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The Pesach Seder and the Lord’s Supper: Explorations on the Messianic Interpretation of the Afikoman

 

 

by Geert ter Horst

 

 

1. Introduction

 

A tradition that has developed in Messianic Judaism is to celebrate the Lord’s Supper at the Pesach Seder. This tradition is based on the interpretation that views Yeshua’s Last Supper as a Passover Seder meal. A more particular tradition that has developed in conjunction with this interpretation is to celebrate the Supper at the Tzafun part of the Seder, and to use the Afikoman matzah and the the cup of thanksgiving — i.e. the third cup of the Seder, over which Birkat HaMazon is recited — as the two elements of the Lord’s Supper.

 

In his Messianic Jewish Manifesto David Stern endorsed this way of celebrating the Lord’s Supper and the theological interpretation of the Afikoman on which it is based. Stern wrote: “If we use the found half of the Afikoman and the third cup of the Passover Seder for Communion, non-Messianic Jews may object; but we can defend ourselves on the ground that this is what the Messiah did. If we point out that the three matzot represent Father, Son and Holy Spirit, and that the broken middle matzah represents Yeshua’s body, broken for us, we have theological grounds for what we do. In fact, there is good chance we have historical grounds; many scholars believe that these customs were started by Messianic Jews and invested with the meanings we have noted here, but somehow the customs were absorbed into non-Messianic Judaism and stripped of their Messianic significance” (pp. 171-172).[i] He adds a  valuable remark about modifications in ceremonial, or in the interpretation of ceremonial practices: “It would be wise for us to make such modifications only after much thought and prayer. For we are dealing with ceremonies weighted with intellectual, emotional and spiritual meaning. Ad hoc changes are likely to prove tasteless, offensive, theologically erroneous, or all three” (ibid.).

 

In his Glossary of Hebrew Words and Names at the end of his Manifesto Stern gives the following explanation of the term ‘Afikoman’: “the half of the middle matzah which is hidden at the beginning of the Seder and recovered at the end to be the final food eaten before after-dinner prayers. Messianic Jews regard it as symbolizing Yeshua the Messiah, who appeared two thousand years ago and will again appear in the acharit-hayamim but is hidden now” (p. 269).

 

In the March/April 1997 issue of First Fruits of Zion magazine another symbolic meaning is applied to the Afikoman. It is said to be “a picture of Yeshua both in his burial and resurrection”  The word ‘Afikoman’ is explained here as “He came” (p. 37).[ii]

 

Stern’s remark about ceremonial modifications cannot take away the fact that the interpretation he gives of the Afikoman ceremony of the Pesach Seder is to all probability historically incorrect and theologically erroneous. Historically it is very dubious whether there existed a proceding order of the Seder as we know it in Yeshua’s time. Prior to the time of the Mishnah there may not have been a fixed liturgy for the Seder night. There were of course the Korban Pesach, the matzah, the maror and the telling of the story of the Exodus. Pre-Mishnaic sources such as Philo and Josephus mention these elements, but they don’t mention a specific liturgical structure of the Seder. Because of this lack of early sources it may well be that in second Temple times the mitzvot of Passover night were performed in a free style manner, and did not follow a strict liturgical format.

 

It is even more dubious whether an Afikoman ceremony as we now have it was part of the Pesach Seder in second Temple times. As Rabbi Shlomo Yosef Zevin points out in his famous work, The Festivals in Halachah: “The original and essential mention of Afikoman is in a negative sense. The Mishnah tells us, “After [the eating of] the Pesach sacrifice, one may not add an Afikoman”. That is to say, the feast of Pesach night may not be concluded with a dessert, or Afikoman, since it is forbidden to eat anything after the meat of the Pesach sacrifice. In our time when there is no Pesach sacrifice, it is a matter of disagreement among the Amoraim whether or not one may “add an Afikoman” after the matzah. The Halachah is that one may not; one finishes the feast with a kazayis of matzah, after which one may not eat at all. This final kazayis is considered either a reminder of the matzah that was eaten with the Pesach sacrifice, or a reminder of the sacrifice itself, which had to be eaten on a full stomach, i.e. at the end of the meal. In the course of time, the term Afikoman came to be applied to this final piece of matzah itself, the reason being, according to Beis Yosef, that after it no Afikoman may be added” (820-821).[iii]

 

If the Afikoman of the Seder as we now have it is a reminder of the Pesach sacrifice, or of the matzah that was eaten with it, then obviously there was no need for an Afikoman in those times when the Temple was standing — except perhaps in diaspora situations — which could mean that there was no Afikoman ceremony in Yeshua’s times, and that Yeshua did not use it to institute his Supper. Against this it can be argued that Yeshua may have used the matzah that was eaten with the korban Pesach to institute his Supper. For our days this would imply that the returned Afikoman — which reappears at the end of the Shulchan Aruch of the Seder — should be used to symbolize Yeshua’s body in the Lord’s Supper. The Lord’s Supper would thus find its proper place in the Tzafun part of the Seder.

 

In the following I’ll try to explore some difficulties inherent in this opinion. In these explorations I’ll assume pro tempore and for the sake of the argument that Yeshua’s Last Supper was a Passover Seder. Although this can be heavily doubted, and doesn’t reflect my own position, for the investigation at hand this has to be our working assumption.

 

 

2. Problems of the Common Practice

 

If one chooses to celebrate the Tzafun part of the Seder as the Lord’s Supper, as is common among Messianics, then the first problem we face is that haMotzi doesn’t occur at that moment, but long before, at the beginning of the Seder meal (after the Maggid). In all accounts of the Lord’s Supper in the NT, however, the words of the institution are said in close conjunction with the haMotzi blessing, and cannot easily be separated from it. It seems that Yeshua took bread at the beginning of the meal and said the blessing haMotzi over it, and added the words: “This is my body being given for you” (Lk. 22:19). Luke gives a more detailed account of the procedure followed at the Supper than the other Synoptics. He mentions a first cup (probably a kiddush) in 22:17-18. Then follows what seems to be haMotzi (in 22:19): “And taking a loaf, giving thanks, he broke, and gave to them, saying, This is my body being given for you. Do this for my remembrance”. Thus it seems that Yeshua did not take the Afikoman matzah to institute the Supper but instead the loaf of bread used at the beginning of the meal, over which haMotzi is recited.

 

The second problem is that the returned Afikoman is only a part of a matzah, which therefore seems unfit to symbolize the unity of the Body of Messiah signified by the fact that a whole loaf or matzah is taken to say the blessing haMotzi and the words of the institution over it. Paul says (1 Cor. 10:16-17): “The bread which we break, is it not a partaking of the body of Messiah? Because we, the many, are one bread, one body, for we all partake of the one bread”.

 

And there is a third problem: If the Afikoman is used for the Lord’s Supper then the Seder meal itself (the Shulchan Aruch part) is no longer in between serving the bread of the Lord’s Supper and serving the cup of thanksgiving. For the cup of thanksgiving (the third cup of the Seder) follows immediately after Tzafun. Both the serving of the bread and the serving of the cup are now placed after the meal, whereas in the accounts of Luke and Paul only the cup is after the meal, and the bread is before it. Luke 22:20 has: “In the same way the cup also, after having supped, saying…”. 1 Cor 11:25 has: “In the same way the cup also, after supping, saying…”.

 

One can try to solve these problems by having the words of the institution of the Lord’s Supper switched to the beginning of the Seder meal, at haMotzi-Matzah. In that case there is a whole matzah over which haMotzi and the words of Yeshua (“Take, eat this is my body…”) can be recited. And also the Seder meal is now in between the serving of the matzah signifying Yeshua’s body and the serving of the cup of thanksgiving signifying Yeshua’s blood, in accordance with the order reported above by Luke and Paul.

 

It may be asked, however, whether this solution doesn’t have the disadvantage that the Afikoman ceremony — which uniquely refers to the korban Pesach and to its fulfilment in Yeshua — now loses its typical relevance for the Lord’s Supper. The whole Seder is now a celebration of the Lord’s Supper and the Supper is no longer reserved for the Tzafun part. Does the Afikoman not lose its function by shifting the institutional words of the Lord’s Supper to the haMotzi-Matzah part of the Seder?

 

In a sense the proposed solution is logical, for the Afikoman stands for the absent korban Pesach — or for the matzah accompanying it — and is only a substitute reminder of it. That doesn’t take away the fact that the korban Pesach obviously refers to Yeshua and his sacrifice, but it was not the korban Pesach over which Yeshua’s words: “This is my body …” were spoken. The ceremony of the Afikoman seems to symbolize the Pesach lamb which once was, in Temple times, and will be, in future Temple times, but now is absent. In a Messianic context this symbolism can be applied to Yeshua, who once was here and was the true korban Pesach, and in the future will appear again, in the Messianic Kingdom, but in the meantime is absent. It may even be that the symbolism of the Afikoman can also refer to the death and resurrection of Messiah, although the resurrection normally is not to be celebrated at the Seder — which in liturgical time occurs between the death and the resurrection of Messiah — but at its own proper liturgical time, which is the first day of the Omer.[iv] (However, the resurrection can be silently hinted at, in a anticipatory manner, by means of the Afikoman ceremony.) All elements of the Seder point to Yeshua and his sacrifice in one way or another, but that doesn’t mean that they all have an institutional relation to the Lord’s Supper. As being said, the existence of an Afikoman ceremony in Yeshua’s days may be doubted.

 

Now, if one chooses to celebrate the Lord’s Supper in conjunction with the Pesach Seder, perhaps the best way to to so is to have haMotzi in conjunction with the words of the institution of the Supper, and so have the Seder meal in between the bread and the cup of the Lord’s Supper. In this way the Lord’s Supper is a real meal. If one chooses for the other option, then the Supper is somewhat dissociated from the meal, because the words of the institution are now separated from haMotzi.

 

 

3. An Additional Problem

 

A specific demand that presents itself in celebrating the Lord’s Supper at the Passover Seder is that one should take care to invite only believers to the Seder. Paul warns us that partaking of the Lord’s Supper requires self examination (1 Cor. 11:26-29): “For as often as you may eat this bread, and drink this cup, you solemnly proclaim the death of the Lord, until he shall come. So that whoever should eat this bread, or drink the cup of the Lord, unworthily, that one will be guilty of the body and of the blood of the Lord. But let a man examine himself, and so let him eat of the bread, and let him drink of the cup; for the one eating and drinking unworthily eats and drinks judgment to himself, not discerning the body of the Lord”.

 

These words of Paul may in fact plead for a distinction between the Lord’s Supper and the Passover Seder. Unbelievers in Messiah (e.g. orthodox Jewish family members) and children, and all those who are unable to “discern the body of the Lord”, are by these words apparently excluded from the Supper, while at the same time it is clear that they are not excluded from the Seder. The only Scriptural exclusion the Seder knows about is the exclusion of the non-circumcised stranger (ger) from eating the korban Pesach, as was recently pointed out in a paper by Daniel Lancaster. Paul’s words, and his account of the institution of the Supper, also seem to imply that the celebration of the Lord’s Supper is exclusively a congregational matter. This is not the case with the Seder, which is primarily a family affair.

 

 

4. Messianic Afikoman Speculation Refuted

 

It has to be said here that a lot of mystification regarding the Pesach Seder and the  Afikoman has occurred in Messianic circles. Under the influence of biblical scholars such as Robert Eisler and David Daube many Messianics have accepted a speculative derivation of the word ‘Afikoman’ from ‘afikomenos’, the aorist of the Greek verb ‘afikomenai’, ‘to come’. Thus the ‘Afikoman’ in ancient times would be a reference to the yet to come Messiah, and mean: ‘the coming one’. And this thought was then connected with an even more speculative Trinitarian idea about the reason for the traditional number of three matzot used at the Seder. The middle matzah, from which the Afikoman is taken, was viewed as a representation of Yeshua and the other two matzot consequently were related to the Father and the Holy Spirit as Yeshua’s co-members in the Trinity.

 

Such ideas are pure speculations, without any real theological or historical basis. Even apart from the fact that the Scriptures don’t know a doctrine of the Trinity, there is an easy halachic explanation why there are, traditionally, exact three matzot, and not one or two, in the Passover Matzah Tasch. In Tractate Pesachim 116a of the Babylonian Talmud we find that the matzah referred to as the bread of poverty (lechem oni) in Dt. 16:3 should be broken because it fits a poor person to eat only pieces of bread, not a whole bread. According to the Tosafot, however, the requirement for two whole loaves on Shabbat and Yom Tov (lechem mishneh) is not diminished because of the broken matzah of lechem oni. That is the reason behind the traditional requirement of three matzot at the Seder. Two are designated as lechem mishneh, and one as lechem oni.

 

This conclusion was not followed by all, and there were some who followed a different practice, and this difference in practice still exists today. Rambam judged that only two matzot are required, and the Vilna Gaon followed his opinion. There is a real halachic conflict here because the Vilna Gaon not only followed the opinion of the Rambam in deviation from the custom adopted by the majority of the people, but he disqualified the traditional practice of using three matzot. The Gaon argued that this traditional practice undermines the lechem oni requirement of Pesachim 116a. By having two whole matzot, and a broken matzah, the set of lechem mishneh of the Seder night becomes superior to the lechem mishneh of all the other Yamim Tovim, whereas the purpose of the requirement of lechem oni is to have an inferior set of lechem mishneh.[v]

 

Here we have before us a consistent halachic explanation for the traditional practice of having three matzot. This practice is not related to Trinitarian theology in whatever manner. Such a relation would lead us to assume that the minority practice of those following the Rambam and the Vilna Gaon is related to Binitarianism, which is simply ridiculous. If the number of divine Persons were to be symbolized by the number of matzot used at the Seder, we could only have one matzah in the Tasch which never was to be broken!

 

In a similar manner the ‘afikomenai’ explanation of the word ‘Afikoman’ is mistaken. If one tests this explanation by substituting ‘the coming one’ for ‘Afikoman’ in the traditional text of the Haggadah recited over the Afikoman, “eyn maftirin achar haPesach afikoman”, one easily sees that this doesn’t make sense. The text clearly wants to say that one may not have an Afikoman, i.e. a dessert or other post-meal delicacies (and activities), after the consumption of the korban Pesach. Thereby it is indicated that ‘Afikoman’ is not derived from ‘afikomenai’ but from ‘epi komios’, ‘for a dessert’. This derivation also explains why the Hebrew text is missing a preposition here, for it says literally: “One does not send off [the guests] at the end of the Passover meal afikoman”. The missing preposition is in the ‘epi’ of ‘epi komios’. And thus the text should be read as: “One does not send off [the guests] at the end of the Passover meal for (or ‘to’) a dessert”.[vi]

 

Notice that this doesn’t deny that the Afikoman in a specific manner refers to Yeshua. But this reference, which from a NT perspective is clear, should not be based on a mistaken derivation of the word ‘Afikoman’. It should instead be sought in the inherent symbolism of the Afikoman matzah. If this matzah symbolizes the korban Pesach, and if the korban Pesach symbolizes the crucified Yeshua, then obviously the Afikoman matzah too symbolizes our crucified Master.

 

 

5. A New Argument for the Common Practice

 

Because of the strong Messianic symbolism inherent in the Afikoman ceremony one could, at this point of our explorations, see in this symbolism a new argument for the option to celebrate the Lord’s Supper at a distinct part of the Seder, at Tzafun. An interesting spiritual or symbolic argument presents itself in favour of this option because of a halachic problem contained in Tzafun itself.

 

In the order of the Seder the Afikoman is separated and hidden right at the beginning of the Seder, and thus long before haMotzi. This legitimately raises the question whether the blessing haMotzi, which is said later on, also applies to the Afikoman. To my knowledge there is no (other) halachic example of saying haMotzi over hidden bread. In all normal cases haMotzi is said over bread that is visible and actually on the table. This is even more clear from the halachah of the Kiddush ceremony. The Kiddush over wine at the beginning of a meal can only be said if the bread is covered. For if it were not covered, the bread would have the prerogative of being first in having the required blessing said over it. It must be hidden — so that in a sense it is absent — to delegate that prerogative to the cup, which occurs in solemn and festive meals. This seems to imply that if there is still some bread hidden while haMotzi is being said, this hidden bread is not part of the meal because the haMotzi blessing didn’t apply to it. Yet this rule is not followed in case of the Afikoman of the Seder, for according to the Haggadah the haMotzi blessing is not repeated when the Afikoman is eaten.

 

The halachic solution of this problem is that it is declared that the eating of the Afikoman was indeed implied by the earlier haMotzi blessing because the intention to eat it is an inherent part of the Seder, and may be presupposed. It is an uncostested halachic rule that bread may never be eaten without a blessing. Therefore one must assume that the Afikoman, although it was not on the table at haMotzi-Matzah, was “covered” by the blessings recited at that point of the Seder.

 

The absence of the necessity to repeat haMotzi at Tzafun may have still another reason, a spiritual or symbolic reason relevant for a Messianic interpretation. It may be that haMotzi is not recited in order to accentuate the symbolic fact that the Afikoman “is” not bread, but “stands for” the korban Pesach. Therefore the attention should not be drawn to what the Afikoman is (bread), but to what it represents. In this way the Afikoman shows a resemblance of the function assigned to the bread of the Lord’s Supper. For in the Supper the bread “is” not bread, but “stands for” the Lord Yeshua’s body. If these considerations make sense then the Afikoman ceremony shows the first traces of the later development of the Lord’s Supper becoming a distinct “Sacrament”. It certainly goes too far to call the Afikoman ceremony a Jewish transsubstantiation, but yet there are conspicuous resemblances in it of the “Holy Communion Service” of later Church history; for instance the requirement that the Afikoman should be eaten uninterruptedly and silently, in a pious and reverent manner.

 

One should realize that the option to celebrate the Lord’s Supper as a distinct part of the Seder, at Tzafun, subtly implies that the Supper may eventually be completely severed from a meal and be held as a ceremony on its own. For by being separated from haMotzi and the Seder meal the real ties that connect the symbols of the Supper, bread and wine, to a meal in between, are already enfeebled. This separation needn’t to be wrong. It could be just a legitimate practical development in celebrating the Supper. My point is that one should be aware of the implications and consequences of one’s preferred option of celebration.

 

If one prefers to celebrate the Supper at Tzafun, one should not recite a new haMotzi blessing over the Afikoman. For, as I said above, the Afikoman is already “covered” by the blessings recited at haMotzi-Matzah. The only thing required of the returned Afikoman according to this option is to have the words of the institution (“This is my body…&c”) recited over it. If one prefers to celebrate the entire Seder meal as the Lord’s Supper one has to recite the institutional words earlier, at haMotzi Matzah.

 

 

6. Comparison of the Two Options and Conclusion

 

By comparing the two options hitherto considered we see that they are not completely equivalent. The haMotzi-Matzah option is the more comprehensive of the two and seems to be more in line with the procedure followed by our Master at his Last Supper than the Tzafun option accepted by so many Messianics. Duly considered, the haMotzi-Matzah option doesn’t exclude the unique function of the Tzafun part of the Seder. For one of the consequences of the fact that the Afikoman is comprehended in the haMotzi blessing of haMotzi-Matzah is that it is also comprehended in the words of the institution of the Lord’s Supper, if these words are said at haMotzi-Matzah. In other words, if the words of the institution are said at haMotzi-Matzah, then every piece of matzah eaten at the Seder, including the Afikoman, is designated as Yeshua’s body, and in this case the whole Seder is a celebration of Lord’s Supper. The specific function of the Afikoman in this case is still to accentuate Yeshua’s role as the fulfilment and final purpose of the korban Pesach.

 

The Tzafun option is the more exclusive one, and, as already noticed, this option separates to a high degree the Seder from the Supper. In this case the Supper is only a small — and particularly sacred — part of the Seder. This may lead some to think that this option is the better one because by partly separating the Supper from the Seder itself the Supper seems to be better “protected”, in a way, against eating it an unworthy manner.

 

Yet it must be acknowledged that both options have the serious disadvantage of excluding Jewish family members who don’t believe in Yeshua from the family Seder. And since the Seder is primarily a family celebration — in contradistinction to the Lord’s Supper, which is a congregational “for believers only” celebration — the best solution seems to be to regard the Seder and the Supper as two distinct observances, not to be mingled together. This solution is supported by the considerable evidence from the Synoptic Gospels that Yeshua’s Last Supper was not a Passover Seder but a meal that preceded the Seder and was held at the night of Nisan 14, not at the Seder night, Nisan 15.[vii]

 

My conclusion thus far is that the identification of the Passover Seder with the Lord’s Supper is not without problems. It is not so easy as it seems at first to find an appropriate place for the Lord’s Supper within the sequence of the Seder. There is a theological problem involved: The Supper is only for believers, while the Seder is for all Israel. From a Scriptural viewpoint the eating of the korban Pesach, or the matzah that accompanies it, is primarily bound to halachic rules and restrictions, while the eating of the Lord’s Supper is primarily bound to a restriction of faith, since it requires explicit faith in Messiah Yeshua. There is also a historical problem involved: The Pesach Seder in Yeshua’s time had not developed to the more or less final form it now has. Seders in Yeshua’s times probably didn’t have an Afikoman ceremony. Yet the later historical development of such a ceremony, after the destruction of the Temple, raises strong Messianic associations and overtones for believers in Yeshua. This state of affair should remind us Messianics of the importance of developing 1) a consistent halachah for our liturgical practices and, 2) a consistent theology of interpreting them.

 


[i] David H. Stern, Messianic Jewish Manifesto, Jewish New Testament Publications — Jerusalem (Israel) · Clarksville, Maryland (USA) 1991 (1988).

[ii] First Fruits of Zion March/April 1997

[iii] R. Shlomo Yosef Zevin, The Festivals in Halachah, Mesorah Publications Ltd (New York) in conjunction with Hillel Press (Jerusalem) — Brooklyn 1999 (1981)

[iv] There is one obvious exception. When the 14th of Nisan happens to fall on a weekly Shabbat the first Yom Tov of Pesach and the first day of the Omer coincide.

[v] Cf. R. Josh Flug, “The Mitzvah of Achillat Matzah” In: Weekly Halachic Overview at: http://www.yutorah.org/_shiurim/The%20Mitzvah%20of%20Achilat%20Matzah.pdf

[vi] Philologos, “Some Belated Thoughts About Afikoman” In: The Jewish Daily Forward: Online home of the weekly Forward newspaper, May 19, 2006, at: http://www.forward.com/articles/1363/

[vii] We’ll study this evidence in another article.

A Messianic Service for Havdalah after Shabbos

 

The following service is only applicable when Shabbos is not followed by a Yom Tov.

 

While it still dark, before kindling light recite:

[Gen 1:1-3a] In the beginning G-d created the heavens and the earth. And the earth was without form, and void; and darkness was upon the face of the deep. And the Ruach of G-d moved upon the face of the waters. And G-d said, Let there be light:

 

Now kindle the havdalah candle. After kindling continue:

[Gen. 1:3b] And there was light!

 

Now let the light of the candle shine on one’s fingernails and continue:

[Gen. 1:4-5] And G-d saw the light, that it was good: and G-d divided the light from the darkness. And G-d called the light Day, and the darkness He called Night. And there was evening and there was morning: Day one.

 

Other lamps and candles may be lit now, preferably from the havdalah candle. Recite:

[Zech. 14:6-9] HaShem my G-d shall come, and all the saints with him. And it shall come to pass in that day, that the light shall not be clear, nor dark: But it shall be one day, which shall be known to HaShem, not day nor night: but it shall come to pass that at evening time it shall be light.

 

And it shall be in that day, that living waters shall go out from Yerushalayim: half of them toward the former sea; and half of them toward the hinder sea: in summer and in winter shall it be. And HaShem shall be King over all the earth: in that day HaShem shall be One and his name One.

 

In Shul continue with the blessing for wine. At home first say:

[From the regular Siddur.] Behold! G-d is my salvation; him will I trust, and not be afraid. For my strength and song is Yah, HaShem, and he shall be my succour. And ye shall draw water in gladness from the fountains of salvation. Unto HaShem is salvation; on thy people be thy blessing, Selah! HaShem of hosts is with us; the G-d of Ya’akov is our refuge, Selah! With the Jews was light, and joy, and gladness, and honour. Such be the case with us. The cup of salvation will I raise, and upon the name of HaShem will I call.

 

Lift the cup with the right hand and the spices with the left, and say the blessing over wine:

Blessed art Thou, O HaShem, our G-d, King of the universe, the Creator of the fruit of the vine.

 

Lift the spices with the right hand and the cup with the left and say the blessing over the spices:

Blessed art Thou, O HaShem, our G-d, King of the universe, the Creator of various kinds of spices.

 

Let the light shine through the fingers of both hands and say:

Blessed art Thou, O HaShem, our G-d, King of the universe, the Creator of the radiance of the lights of fire.

 

Recite the havdalah blessing:

Blessed art Thou, O HaShem, our G-d, King of the universe, who distinguishest between sacred and profane, between light and darkness, between Israel and other nations, between the Assembly of Messiah and the world, between the seventh day and the six days of labour. Blessed art Thou, O HaShem, who distinguishest between holy and profane.

 

Before continuing first drink from the havdalah cup.

 

Recite a  blessing in honour of the resurrected Messiah:

[From the Book of Common Prayer, adapted.] O G-d our King, by the resurrection of thy Son Yeshua the Messiah on the first day of the week, the day after the Sabbath, thou conquered sin, put death to flight, and gave us the hope of everlasting life. We beseech thee: Redeem all our days by this victory; forgive our sins, banish our fears, make us bold to praise thee and to do thy will; and steel us to wait for the consummation of thy Kingdom on the last great Day; through the same Yeshua the Messiah our Lord.

 

Recite a blessing for the coming week (which is the collect to be included in the daily prayers. This blessing varies every week, and is related to the liturgical year and the portions of Scripture to be read. The following is an example.)

[From the Book of Common Prayer, adapted.] Gracious Father, whose blessed Son Yeshua the Messiah came down from heaven to be the true bread which giveth life to the world: Evermore give us this bread, that he may live in us, and we in him; who liveth and reigneth with thee in the unity of the Ruach haKodesh, world without end.

 

Extinguish the havdalah candle, and conclude with a song:

[From Hymns Ancient & Modern nos. 30 & 35, adapted.]

 

Our day of praise is done;

The evening shadows fall;

But pass not from us with the sun,

True Light that lightenest all.

 

Around the Throne on high,

Where night can never be,

The white-robed harpers of the sky

Bring ceaseless hymns to Thee.

 

Too faint our anthems here;

Too soon of praise we tire;

But oh, the strains how full and clear

Of that eternal choir.

 

Yet, Lord, to Thy dear Will

If Thou attune the heart,

We in Thine Angels’ music still

May bear our lower part.

 

‘Tis Thine each soul to calm,

Each wayward thought reclaim,

And make our life a daily psalm

Of glory to thy Name.

 

A little while, and then

Shall come the glorious end;

And songs of Angels and of men

In perfect praise shall blend

 

Bow when concluding:

Therefore unto Thee we sing

O Lord of peace, Eternal King;

Thy love we praise, Thy Name adore,

Both on this day and evermore.

“…until he no longer knows…” A Purim Riddle?

 

 

by Geert ter Horst

 

« Since wine served as a catalyst throughout the saga of the Purim miracle — Vashti lost her position at a wine feast, Esther was granted her [throne], and similarly, Haman’s downfall came about through wine — our Sages obligated us to drink wine and become intoxicated. [Megilloh 7b] ordains, “A person is obligated to become so drunk on Purim that he does not know the difference between ‘Cursed be Haman’ and ‘Blessed be Mordechai’. » (Ganzfried 142:6)[1]

 

This precept of the Sages raises a question. Duly considered, the two sentences ‘Cursed be Haman’ and ‘Blessed be Mordechai’ are logically equivalent. For, in the context of the Purim saga, the cursing of Haman implies the blessing of Mordechai, and, vice versa, the blessing of Mordechai implies the cursing of Haman. The two sentences thus are two expressions of the same state of affairs, of basically the same fact.

 

Consequently, it seems that the drinking of wine is not needed at all to be in a state of not knowing the difference between these sentences. Why then, we may ask, did the Sages establish this as a measure for the amount of wine to be drunk at the festival? Is their precept itself perhaps a Purim riddle?

 

A possible solution of this riddle seems to be that at Purim we drink out of excessive joy, because the Jewish nation was in mortal danger and was miraculously saved. This excessive joy is thus not the result of our drinking, but the motivating cause of it. We are already ‘drunken’ of joy before we drink. And by drinking wine at this time we do not get drunk but instead  become ‘sober’, able to see and experience things as they really are. And we do see and experience things as they really are, if we see and experience them as they are made by HaShem, who redeemed his people on this day. What thus is the measure of our drinking at Purim? Our measure should be based on the experience of redemption of the Jewish people. As it is said, « The Jews had light, and gladness, and joy, and honour » (Est. 8:16). We cannot be honourable or see the light if we ‘are tight’. Nor are we able then to experience true joy and gladness.

 

Things are turned upside down at Purim. The order of this world is disturbed. Things raised high are cast down, and things cast down are being raised up. The order of the World to Come shines through these miraculous events. We already get drunk in a sober state and become sober by drinking wine.

 

This explanation of Megilloh 7b accords with the words of Rabbi Shneur Zalman, in his Shulchan Aruch (529) where he says: “It is impossible to serve HaShem either in levity or drunkenness”. One of the final authorities on halachah, the Chafetz Chaim, in Mishnah Berurah (695), states clearly that the proper thing to do is not to drink to intoxication, but rather to drink just a bit more than is customary — which would be a glass or two of wine — and go to sleep. This is the proper way to fulfil “not distinguishing between ‘cursed be Haman’ and ‘blessed be Mordechai’”.

 

Gut Purim!

 

________________

 

[1] Rabbi Shlomo Ganzfried, Kitzur Shulchon Oruch. A new translation with notes and diagrams by Rabbi Eliyahu Touger, Moznaim Publishing Corporation — New York, Jerusalem 1991.

The Oral Torah and the Messianic Jew

 

Moshe received Torah at Sinai and handed it on to Joshua, Joshua to the elders, and the elders to the prophets. And the prophets handed it on to the men of the Great Assembly…

 (Pirkei Avot 1:1)

 

by Reb Yhoshua

[Note of Messianic613: This article has formerly been published on an Orthodox Jewish site that later on seems to have disappeared from the web. Since then, we have unsuccessfully tried to contact the author and ask him permission to republish his valuable article. As we are quite willing to obtain this permission, we invite the author to contact us. On his request we will immediately remove the article, if he has objections against a republication in general or on Messianic613’s Weblog specifically. We also invite our readers to inform us if they should know the author’s whereabouts on the webpdf-version is available by the following link:  Yhoshua — The Oral Torah and the Messianic Jew1 After clicking on the image in the new window that opens the pdf document appears.]

Messianic Jews tend to take the Reformation doctrine of Sola Scriptura, Scripture Alone, very seriously. A quick count of the number of Messianic translations of the Bible can demonstrate the Messianic Jewish love of Scriptures. There is The Com-plete Jewish Bible, the Living Scriptures, The Scriptures, and many more. It is re-markable that a group of New Testament believers who number only in the hun-dreds of thousands has produced so many translations, not to mention commentar-ies, on the Bible. Messianic believers have even gone where mainstream Christian scholars have not by producing New Testament translations that use both historical and extrapolated Hebrew and Aramaic manuscripts as their source texts. These translations are invaluable in understanding Jesus’ more difficult teachings, many of which can only be properly understood in the context of the Semitic languages they were spoken in.[1] The Church is deeply indebted to Messianic believers for their scho-lastic efforts. Messianics have born a lot of fruit because of their reliance on Scrip-ture alone, but with that commitment has come a difficulty understanding some of the precious things that they have inherited from their parent religion.

The doctrine of the Oral Torah is one of the defining beliefs of traditional Judaism. Rabbi Moses Ben Maimon (Maimonides) included it among his Thirteen Principles of the Jewish Faith, [2] all of which a Jew must believe in order to be religiously identified with the people of Israel. Most Messianic Jews reject it as mere tradition, but for Orthodox Jews, it is the backbone of halakha, Jewish Law. It is the flesh on the liv-ing frame provided by the Pentateuch. In his introduction to Mishnah Torah Maimon-ides wrote, “All the precepts which Moses received on Sinai were given together with their interpretation.”[3] Contrary to the perception of many Messianic believers, the Oral Torah is not believed by Orthodox Jews to be the collective teachings of the Rabbinical Sages. Traditional Judaism holds that it was divinely revealed to Moses, and passed down to the sages by word of mouth until it was partially codified by Yhudah HaNasi, who gathered it into the Mishnah.[4] Further codification was resisted at first. The oral Torah was meant to be oral. But when it became clear that the transmission process was decaying even more, Rav Ashi gathered the tradition into the Gomorrah.[5] Together the Gomorrah and the Mishnah comprise the Talmud, the modern embodiment of the Oral Torah. The Talmud, however, is not simply a book filled with laws. It was written in very compact language that was designed to keep the Oral Torah largely oral. Nobody can study the Talmud on his own, and the proc-ess of passing the teaching on from teacher to student is still an important part of the transmission of the Torah.[6]

For Messianic Jews, the idea of an enigmatic tradition slipping beneath the radar of history and appearing suddenly and dramatically in the form of the Mishnah seems unlikely. Their disbelief is not unprecedented. There was controversy in Judaism it-self concerning the Oral Torah centuries before Jesus was even born. In the first century, the Sadducees and Boethusians denied its very existence. Named for Zadok and Boethus, two students of the famous Talmudic rabbi Antigonus of Sokho, the two sects were created when their founders broke away from Pharisaism because of a misinterpretation of Antigonus’ famous statement, “Do not be like servants who serve their Master only for reward, but be like servants who serve their master not just to receive a reward. And let the fear of Heaven rest on you.”[7] Zadok and Boethus understood Antigonus’ teaching to mean that there was no afterlife, and they re-jected belief in eternal reward. They reasoned that their teacher had abandoned belief in the afterlife because the dogma of eternal reward and punishment did not appear in the written Torah. As a result, they also rejected any other doctrine that was not clearly found in the Five Books of Moses. The Oral Torah fell into that cate-gory.[8] By the time of Jesus, most of the priests and aristocrats were Saducees, but the general public tended to align itself with the Pharisees and remained uninter-ested in the sect.[9]

The Karaite sect of the eighth century also rejected the validity of the Oral Torah, though they voiced allegiance to the entire Hebrew Bible, which the Saducees and Boethusians did not. The Karaites resembled modern Torah observant Messianic Jews in a lot of ways. They called themselves, “Followers of the Bible,” and they rejected many of the same traditional Jewish practices Messianic Jews reject now: shekhita, the ritual slaughtering of cattle; separation of meat and dairy; and the au-thority of rabbinical decrees.[10] Though European Karaites won themselves many more civil rights than their traditional counterparts, they were completely ejected from the Jewish community. Today there are only a few thousand Karaites living in small communities in the State of Israel.

Messianic Jews typically take a stand beside the Saducees and Karaites and hold that the written Torah interprets itself. Among those Messianic groups that believe the written Torah remains intact even today, the rejection of the Oral Torah, second only to a belief in Jesus as the Messiah, is the defining difference they see between themselves and traditional Judaism.[11] There are a few exceptions. Dr. Michael Brown shocked many of those who listened to his tape series, Let’s Get Truthful, a rebuttal of Rabbi Singer’s famous anti-missionary tape series, Let’s Get Biblical, when he re-fused to engage Rabbi Singer over the issue of the Oral Law. Brown conceded the point by simply saying, “There’s something to the Oral Law.”[12] Other Messianic leaders have also taken the minority view. Dr. Stern, former Jews for Jesus board member and popular translator of the Jewish New Testament and Complete Jewish Bible, gave limited support to the idea of an Oral Torah in his Messianic Jewish Manifesto. “There could never have been a time when tradition of some sort was not a neces-sary adjunct to the written Torah,” he writes. “For the written Torah simply does not contain all the laws and customs needed to run a nation.”[13] Despite the respect af-forded these two scholars within the Messianic Jewish community, their views are not widely accepted. For the most part, Messianic Jewish leaders are resistant and even hostile to the notion that G-d gave Moses anything other than the written text of the Pentateuch at Mount Sinai.

On the opposite pole from Brown and Stern’s accepting positions are the views of vehemently anti-Oral Torah Messianic Jews. One Messianic Jew is reported to have asked an unnamed rabbi, “If you are not a missionary, then why have you rabbis lawlessly wrested authority from the kohanim and are now missionizing Jewish peo-ple away from the faith squarely founded on true Biblical, apocalyptic Torah Judaism as taught by the Jewish Bible?”[14] In addition to the position that the Oral Torah is a result of a rabbinical highjacking of the Jewish faith, others have contended that it is the result of superstitions carried back to Israel from the Babylonian Exile, or a result of, “Inflated ideas of rabbinic authority…motivated by self-aggrandizement and po-litical ambitions.”[15]

There are, of course, calmer voices. Most Messianic Jews view the Oral Torah as simply a mistaken doctrine of traditional Judaism. They are not willing to accept it, but neither are they prepared to level incendiary accusations at those who hold to it. An interesting centrist position among Messianic Jews is that an Oral Torah was given at Sinai, but was meant only for that generation. It was not meant to be bind-ing forever, and its usefulness lasted only a short while.[16]

The matter of the Oral Torah is obviously important and controversial. Different stances on the issue divide the Messianic community and cause additional bitterness between Messianic believers and traditional Jews. What is needed is an objective study of the issue. Any number of factors can cause believers to resist or accept the idea irrationally. Some may reject the Oral Torah simply because the idea is foreign. Most Messianic Jews come to Messianic Judaism from mainstream Protestantism. To a Protestant, the notion that another authority exists beside scripture is high heresy. While many Messianic believers are willing to risk ridicule for believing the written Torah still provides a valid and holy way of life, few are willing to take a stand that would send them careening so far out of the mainstream that their neighbors would begin to whisper cult. Another reason for rejecting the Oral Torah without a hearing would be what psychologists call Entrapment. Entrapment is a process that takes place when a person grows more and more committed to an idea simply because they have sacrificed something for the cause. Many of the more extreme anti-Oral Torah Messianic believers may not be capable of questioning their stance because, after they have stood so firmly against the Oral Torah doctrine, it would be too emo-tionally traumatic for them to rationally consider recanting.

There is an opposite extreme as well. There are those Messianic believers who feel that by accepting the Oral Torah they will intern be accepted by mainstream Juda-ism. Some have fantasies of the State of Israel suddenly granting all Messianic Jews the Right of Return once they all accept the authority of the Oral Torah. Visions of believers in Jesus walking down Ben Yehudah Street in Israeli army uniforms and yarmulkes cloud their eyes and interfere with their capacity to see the merits of rea-soned arguments against the doctrine. In the end, however, the issue should not be about the acceptance of Protestantism or Orthodoxy, but about which train of thought is correct. G-d is truth, and nothing false can ever get one closer to Him, even if it does make life easier. If the truth is to be found, it can only be through searching for it in the pages of history and the Bible.

1. History of the Oral Torah

Historians do not agree on how or when the doctrine of an Oral Torah entered Juda-ism. Though some claim it only arose after the Babylonian exile, there is substantial evidence to the contrary. The apocryphal book Tobit was regarded as Scripture by many Jews, until it was officially rejected and cast out of the canon by a Rabbinical decree in 90AD,[17] and it is still a part of the Eastern Orthodox and Roman Catholic Bibles. Tobit is an adventure story set shortly after the fall of the Northern Kingdom, and it contains some of the earliest references to the Oral Torah in non-canonical, non-rabbinical, Jewish literature. There are references to the duty to bury the dead[18] (Tobit 1:17) as well as the ban on digging or burying the dead on festivals[19] (Tobit 2:4). Neither of these mitzvos[20] appears in the Pentateuch, but are important acts of piety in the Oral Tradition. There are also references to demons, and to marriage contracts.[21] Neither of these appears in their traditional form in the written Torah, but also became important parts of later Judaism. Because the heroes of Tobit are first generation exiles from the Northern Kingdom, the creation of the Oral Torah tradi-tion had to have taken place before the exile of the Kingdom of Israel in 722 BC.

The Qement, a group of Ethiopian Jews, also testify to the antiquity of an Oral Torah doctrine in ancient Judaism. The Qement practice a paganistic form of Judaism that resembles the biblical description of the idolatry of the Northern Kingdom. According to Ethiopian tradition, they, as well as the Falashas, another tribe of Ethiopian Jews, are the products of an encounter between King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba around 950BC. Though the Qement violate many parts of the Torah, they still retain a few vestiges of Judaism. Among their practices is a form of slaughter known as shekhita, a butchering technique not directly mentioned in the Pentateuch, but de-scribed in the Oral Torah.[22] If an animal is not slaughtered in this manner, the Qement will not eat it.

Finally, digs at the sight of the Essene community of Qumran, near the Dead Sea, have unearthed tefillin, or phylacteries, made exactly as they are prescribed in the Oral Torah. In eleventh century France, Rabbi Shlomo Yitzakhi (Rashi) and his grandson Rabbenu Tam, inheritors of the Pharisaic tradition, both claimed to be the latest link in the direct line of the Oral Torah’s transmission from Moses. They dis-agreed, however, on the manner in which phylacteries should be made. Rashi in-sisted that four passages from the Torah be inserted into the phylacteries in a cer-tain order; Rabbenu Tam reversed the order of the last two parchments. Some of the phylacteries found at Qumran were made according to Rashi’s description, and some according to Rabbenu Tam’s. There were no other variations. The discovery of the Qumran phylacteries proved that Rashi and Rabbenu Tam were, in fact, the re-cipients of an oral tradition at least a thousand years old.[23] The discovery of the phy-lacteries also proved that the Pharisees and the Essenes, two very different Jewish sects, shared a common extra-biblical tradition explaining, “You shall bind them a signs upon your hands.” (Duet. 6:8)

But all of the historical evidence simply demonstrates early Hebrew apostasy if there is no trace of the Oral Torah in the Bible. Certainly, the Hebrews were guilty of other forms of religious perversion very early on. They molded the golden calf even as the Torah was being transmitted. It is very possible that the concept of the Oral Torah is just another example of their reprobate hearts going astray.

The formation of a degenerate tradition would have needed to happen very early in the biblical period of Jewish history to affect the Ethiopian Jews, Tobit, and the Essenes. The earliest example of an extra biblical tradition being used by a group of Jews is the example of the Qement and shekhita, dating the development of this example from the Oral Torah to the tenth century BC at the latest. Several hundred years had passed since the revelation at Mount Sinai. Outside of Scripture, history offers very few records of Israelite life before then, so there are limits to the useful-ness of a historical search for the Oral Torah. Records simply do not go back far enough to confirm or deny its existence. If conclusive evidence for or against the Oral Torah is going to be found, it must be found in scripture.

Unfortunately, a scriptural search for the Oral Torah is very difficult. Until Saducean Judaism developed, Jews in the early Rabbinical Period referred to the Written and Oral Torahs collectively as “The Torah.”[24] There is no reason to believe the ancient Israelites would not have done the same. If it is assumed they did, then every verse that admonishes Israel to follow the Law becomes a proof text for the Oral Torah. If it is assumed they did not, then the opposite becomes true. Further, it would be futile to search the Pentateuch for examples of commands from the Oral Torah. The Oral Torah’s very nature would exclude their presence in the Pentateuch.

Scripture can shed light on the issue in two ways. If examples can be found of the Jewish people being condemned for following the extra-Biblical practices found in the Oral Torah, or if there are passages that say clearly that Moses only received text from G-d, then it can be assumed there is no valid Oral Torah. On the other hand, for the Bible to support the belief in the Oral Torah, it would have to be dem-onstrated that Scripture contains either examples of righteous people practicing pre-cepts from the oral Torah religiously, or passages that refer specifically to an oral tradition being given to Moses alongside the written Torah.

A problem arises with this approach, however. What is Scripture for us was not Scripture for any of the heroes of the Bible. Obviously when Jesus spoke with his contemporaries about Scripture, he did not quote from the Gospel of Matthew or the Epistle of James. These were not written yet. Likewise, the only Scripture in the times of any of the Old Testament characters was the Pentateuch. Acceptance of any other authoritative writings began only after the Babylonian exile. Therefore, if the Bible describes King David acknowledging a portion of the oral tradition, it would be anachronistic to believe that King David was doing so because a similar practice was mentioned in Joshua. The book of Joshua was not Scripture during the reign of King David. If characters in both Joshua and 1 Samuel mention a certain practice not found in the Pentateuch, they are not drawing on each other’s authority, but on an extra-biblical source known to both of them. With those guidelines in mind, it should be possible to begin the Scriptural search for some clue regarding the existence, or non-existence, of an oral tradition from Moses.

2. Oral Torah In the Old Testament

When looking in the Old Testament for proof texts for or against the oral Torah, the immediate evidence seems damning. One encounters several verses in the Torah itself that apparently condemn the idea of an accompanying tradition. “Moses wrote down all of HaShem’s words,” (Ex. 24:4) and, “You shall not add to what I command you or take away from it, but guard the commands of HaShem your G-d that I give you today.” (Duet. 4:2). Together these verses seem to make it clear that there is no oral Torah. There is also the testimony of Joshua, “There was not a word of all that Moses commanded that Joshua did not read before all the assembly of Israel….” (Joshua 8:35). If Joshua read every word that Moses commanded, then there could not have been an oral tradition that accompanied the written Word. Nothing oral can be read. Very early in the Old Testament, the very idea of an oral Torah seems to be debunked.

The case, however, is more complicated than it at first appears. Deuteronomy 4:2, “You shall not add to what I command you,” cannot be taken as proof against the oral Torah. The oral Torah is not believed to be a legislated addition to the text, but a divinely revealed clarification. If it is, then “What I command you…” would include those details that were not written down. “Moses,” however, “Wrote down all of HaShem’s words;” (Ex. 24:4) and could not have committed any special details to memory to be passed down later. But the Torah does not specify whether at that time Moses recorded every word in the entire Torah, or just all of the words that had been spoken to him until then. Many more commandments were given to Moses after Exodus 23, and Moses could not have written them all down at that point. The verse still provides for the possibility of an Oral Torah.

However, the conjunction and can also mean then in Hebrew. If the verse is trans-lated, “Then Moses wrote down all of HaShem’s words,” it could be understood as an introductory sentence beginning the tale of how Moses came to transcribe every-thing HaShem said to him, and the verse would again become proof that he did not receive an oral Torah. There is room for doubt in either direction.

Joshua 8:35 also leaves room for doubt. In context, it can’t be clear what is meant by, “There was not a word of all that Moses commanded that Joshua did not read before all the assembly of Israel.” (Joshua 8:35) Joshua 8 tells the story of what happened when Joshua divided Israel and stood six of the tribes on Mount Gerizim and the other six on Mount Ebal. The narrative states that, “He read all the words of the Teaching, blessings and curses, according to all that is written in the book of the Teaching.” (Josh 8:34)[25] The people were commanded in Deut. 27:11-26 to stand on the two mountains and listen to the teachings concerning the rewards for obedience and the punishments for disobedience. Thus, when the Bible says, “There was not a word of all that Moses commanded that Joshua did not read,” it cannot be certain whether there was not a word of all that Moses commanded in the Torah, or whether there was not a word of all that Moses commanded to be read (Deut 27:11-28:68), that Joshua did not read before all of Israel. The evidence against the oral Torah is not so damning that it does not leave reasonable doubt.

There seems to be a possibility that there was an oral Torah, but the possibility is not enough to prove its existence. There is also some evidence that it did not exist. Exodus 24:4 and Joshua 8:35 can still be interpreted to condemn the belief that Moses received anything on Sinai besides a written text. Is there any evidence that he did receive an oral tradition?

There are many examples of Biblical characters following and advising others to fol-low commandments that are not specifically mentioned in the written Torah. The Torah commands, “A woman is not to wear men’s clothing, and a man is not to put on women’s clothing, for whoever does these things is detestable to HaShem your G-d.” (Duet 22:5 CJB)[26] The Hebrew is more ambiguous than its English translation, and the word translated clothing more accurately means gear or equipment.[27] The oral Torah understands men’s equipment to include not only masculine clothing, but also weapons and war implements.[28] Women were forbidden to even carry swords or armor, and were certainly excluded from military service.[29] Two famous, biblical hero-ines apparently received a similar tradition. Deborah, the only female judge, held near absolute power in Israel for over forty years (Judges 4:4-5 and 5:31); but when it was time to fight against Israel’s enemy, Sisera, she called on a man, Barak, to lead the troops. Barak, however, refused to go to war unless Deborah went with the army. She reluctantly agreed, but prophesied, “HaShem will hand Sisera over to a woman.” Though Deborah accompanied the army, she wouldn’t go into combat, and sent Barak in her place. (Judges 4:14) Barak routed Sisera’s army, and Sisera was forced to flee on foot to friendly Kenite territory. Jael, the Hebrew wife of a Kenite named Heber, offered Sisera sanctuary.[30] Once he fell asleep, she killed him. Though Sisera was running from a battle, and was undoubtedly heavily armed, Jael felled him with a tent peg rather than his sword. (Judges 4:21)

The prophet Samuel also demonstrated a knowledge and acceptance of the oral To-rah. According to the written Torah, sacrifices were not permitted anywhere but at the Tabernacle. (Lev 17:1-5) The oral Torah, however, allowed several leniencies for different eras.

Before the Tabernacle was erected, the High Places were allowed…. When the Tabernacle was erected, the High Places were banned…. They came to Gilgal, [and] the High Places were allowed…. They came to Shiloh, [and] the High Places were banned…. They came to Nob and Gibeon, [and] the High Places were al-lowed…. They came to Jerusalem, and the High Places were banned and never allowed again.
(Mishnah Zebahim 14:4-8)

Scripture seems to be much more stringent. After the Tabernacle was erected the written Torah does not seem to endorse the High Places at all. (Lev 17:8-9) One of the most startling proofs that an oral Torah existed is that the prophet Samuel con-tinued to sacrifice at the High Places after the Tabernacle had been built. When Saul first met Samuel, Samuel was preparing a sacrifice at one of the High Places. (1Sam 9:12-13) Later in Israel’s history, Israel would be strongly rebuked for sacrificing at such cult sites, but because the Tabernacle was not at Shiloh or Jerusalem, the text of 1 Samuel seems to defer to the oral Torah, and allows the apparent transgression to pass without comment. The Bible’s lack of rebuke is surprising in the light of Le-viticus‘ warning, “When someone from the community of Israel or one of the for-eigners living with you offers a burnt offering or sacrifice without bringing it to the entrance of the tent of meeting to sacrifice it to HaShem, that person is to be cut off from his people.” (Lev. 17:8-9) The only explanations possible are that either a leni-ency existed that was not mentioned in the written text of the Pentateuch, but was ordained by G-d and known to Samuel; or that Samuel was spiritually severed from Israel on the same day that he met Saul. Because Samuel continued to serve G-d and Israel for many more years, it is doubtful that he had been spiritually cut off from his people.

The special exemption that Samuel took advantage of is not the only case of a bibli-cal hero benefiting from a leniency in the oral Torah. The kingship of King David, and thus of the Messiah, was also only possible through a traditional softening of the written Torah’s rigor. The written Torah makes it clear that, “No A’moni [Ammonite] or Mo’avi [Moabite] may enter the assembly of HaShem, nor may any of his descen-dants down to the tenth generation ever enter the assembly of HaShem.” (Deut 23:3) Mo’avi, the Hebrew word for Moabite, is in the masculine. In Semitic lan-guages, the masculine form of a word is usually the neuter form as well. Mo’avi would normally be seen as referring to all Moabites, both male and female; but the oral Torah interprets the word Moabite, in this case, in the more narrow sense of only Moabite men. Moabite women, it says, may convert at any time. Ruth, the grandmother of David, was the most famous beneficiary of the oral Torahs special dispensation to Moabite women. If there were no oral Torah, King David would not have been considered an Israelite.

Some have made the claim that David would have been considered an Israelite through Boaz even though Ruth was a Moabite.[31] There is a common misconception that, biblically, Jewish ethnicity was passed through the father, and the Rabbis changed the system of reckoning because it cannot always be certain who a baby’s father is. Dr. Brody writes, “Biblically a person is Jewish if his father was a descen-dant of Abraham, Issac, and Jacob.”[32] This just isn’t so. The matriarchs are often used to prove that Judaism was passed patrilinealy. They came from non-Jewish house-holds, but their children were considered Jewish because the children’s Fathers were Jewish.

It is hard, however, to find a criterion by which the matriarchs were any more or less Jewish than their husbands. Hagar also confuses the issue. She did not have a line-age any more or less tainted than Sarah, but her child was considered a Gentile. Before the Sinai experience, the written Torah is simply not clear on the issue; nor does it clarify its stance in later chapters. In the Torah, being Jewish in the early years of the Patriarchs was not a matter of being part of a chosen people, but of being a chosen individual. Even among twins, one could be Jewish and one not, as in the example of Jacob and Esau. According to Chazal[33] however, the oral Torah has always taught that minhag, tribal affiliation within Israel, is determined patrilinealy; but whether an individual is Jewish or not has been reckoned matrilinealy since the revelation at Sinai. Scripture shows that this was Ezra’s understanding.

When the Jewish people returned from the Babylonian exile, Ezra demanded that the men who had intermarried send away their foreign wives and the children that had been produced by their illegal unions. (Ezra 10:3) It is hard to understand why Ezra would demand that Jewish children be sent to live in an idolatrous culture unless, of course, they weren’t truly Jewish. Moreover, Ezra’s stance is said to be, “In accor-dance with the Torah.” (Ibid.) The written Torah never says that the children of for-eign women and Israelite men are foreigners; nor does it demand that men divorce their foreign wives. The only Torah that Ezra could be acting in accordance with would be an oral one. The same Oral Torah the Apostle Paul obeyed when he cir-cumcised Timothy, the son of a Jewish woman and a Gentile man. (Acts 16:2)

The prophet Jeremiah also made a ruling that demonstrates a Scriptural belief in the oral Torah. Keeping the Sabbath was very important in Jeremiah’s day. Today’s common practice of simply avoiding activities that feel like work was not sufficient in his era. Desecrating the Sabbath was a breach of civil as well as religious law in an-cient Israel, and was considered a capital offence. (Ex 31:14) For public harmony, the laws of the Sabbath had to be clearly defined. The Pentateuch forbade certain activities: lighting fires (Ex 35:3), leaving one’s dwelling (Ex 16:29), and gathering sticks (Num. 15:32-36); but it left the definition of work strangely ambiguous. Some feel that this was done purposely, to allow for individual interpretation; but the oral Torah clarifies the issue with a list of 39 categories of forbidden labor. The oral To-rah interpreted, “Keep my Sabbaths and venerate my sanctuary,” (Lev. 19:30) to mean that the Israelites were responsible for keeping the Sabbath on the seventh day, and building the tabernacle on weekdays. Thus, it reasoned, the 39 categories of work that were uniquely necessary to build the tabernacle were the types of labor forbidden on the Sabbath. It is a very strange form of reasoning, and one of the oddest categories enumerated in the oral Torah is the thirty-ninth form of forbidden labor – carrying an object from a private domain to a public domain and vice versa.[34] As peculiar as the rule is, the prophet Jeremiah rebuked Israel for breaking it. “If you value your lives…don’t carry anything out of your houses on Shabbat.” (Jer. 17:22) In all the passages in the Pentateuch regarding the Sabbath, none of them ever forbids carrying objects out of one’s dwelling. The ban on the thirty-ninth form of forbidden work is found exclusively in the oral Torah. According to the book of Jeremiah, however, Jerusalem was destroyed for violating this oral tradition. “But if you will not obey me and make the Shabbat a holy day and not carry loads through the gates of Jerusalem on Shabbat, then I will set its gates on fire; it will burn up the palaces of Jerusalem and not be quenched.” (Jer. 17:27)

There is more evidence for an oral tradition dating back to the early Old Testament era. The most common examples of the Old Testament acknowledging the oral To-rah’s authority are also the most commonly over looked. They occur so many times, that it is almost never noticed that the Five Books of Moses never mention them. It is often forgotten that the written Torah never instituted either the calendar or the Temple.

3. The Calendar

After the Communist party took control of Russia, the government immediately de-cided it was time to bring the newly formed Soviet Union in step with the rest of the world. One of their first acts was to abolish the archaic Julian calendar, which Russia had been using since Orthodox Christianity took hold, and replace it with the Gregor-ian calendar, which had been in use in the rest of the world for centuries. The change immediately improved the Soviet Union’s capacity for interaction with the rest of the world. Banking was easier. A Soviet businessman did not have to write a different date on a check drawn on a foreign bank anymore. Diplomacy was simpli-fied. Russian embassies no longer had to arrange conferences using two different calendars. The Soviet Union was now literally keeping in time with the rest of the world. There was a minor draw back, however. Red October, the anniversary of the Revolution, had not taken place in October according to the Gregorian calendar. It had happened in November. The Soviets changed the date accordingly, but kept the old name. Much to the amusement of the rest of the world, until the fall of the So-viet Union, the Soviet government celebrated a holiday called Red October at the beginning of every November.

For the ancient Hebrews, a calendar change was not so simple. Accurate time keep-ing was a matter of life and death. Holidays, appointed times to meet with G-d, were set for specific dates. If the Israelites celebrated Yom Kippur, the only day the High Priest was permitted to enter the Holy of Holies, on the wrong day the High Priest would die when he entered the most sacred area of the Tabernacle. Keeping the holidays at the right times was an urgent necessity, and unauthorized calendar re-form was out of the question. There was a problem, however. While the written To-rah gave clear dates as to when the holidays were to be observed, it gave no indica-tion on how to calculate those dates. It gave no system for tracking the months or even the years. It would be easy to assume that when G-d spoke of the first day of the seventh month (Lev 23:23), he was imposing a date on an already existing cal-endar; but the Hebrew calendar does not resemble any calendar in use in the area at that time.

The Hebrew calendar used by Jews today isn’t the same as the one used by their biblical counterparts. The modern Jewish calendar is a mathematical clock invented when the great Sanhedrin realized the Christian emperor, Constantanius, was going to forcibly disband it.[35] Today’s calendar was designed to keep the holidays from creeping out of their proper seasons until the year 2240AD.[36] The biblical calendar was much more complex.

In the ancient world, there were four methods that peoples used to calculate time: by the sun (solar), by the moon (lunar), by the stars (stellar), and arbitrarily. The Hebrew calendar used all four methods. The days were calculated according to the sun, and the weeks were set to a seemingly arbitrary seven-day cycle.[37] The months were determined by the phases of the moon, and the year was set according to the Zodiac’s rotation. It was so necessary for the months to stay timed with the proper astrological sign, the Sanhedrin had the power to declare an extra month when the months started to misalign. For ancient Jews, the Zodiac had a G-d given purpose apart from its pagan corruption. It taught them about the holidays.

Because the ancient Egyptians worshiped sheep, and abhorred shepherds (Gen. 46:34), when G-d freed Israel from slavery, he did it in the month of Nissan. On the first night of Nissan, Aries, the lamb, appears on the eastern horizon and ascends through the sky the entire month.[38] G-d ordered the enslaved Jews to wait until the fourteenth of Nissan, the day Aries, the god of the Egyptians, had ascended to the zenith, to slaughter the Passover lamb. (Ex. 12:18-21) When the Egyptian god was apparently at its most powerful, the Jewish slaves slaughtered its earthly representa-tion; and the Jewish G-d slaughtered the Egyptian firstborn in mockery of their fertil-ity god’s alleged power. The imagery was so powerful and important that the calen-dar allowed for the insertion of an extra month right before Nissan if Passover wasn’t going to correlate with the ascent of Aries.

The spring festivals weren’t the only ones that required synchronism with the Zodiac. According to Jewish tradition, Tishrei, the month of the fall holidays, was when G-d judged mankind every year.[39] As with Nissan, Tishrei was heralded by a sign in the sky. Libra, the scales, ascends on Rosh Hashanah to warn the world that its deeds are being weighed.[40]

None of these unique features of the Hebrew calendar, such as the added month in leap years or the number of days in each month, are mentioned in the written To-rah; and they are all so unique that it is clear that G-d did not set the holidays ac-cording to a previously existing calendar. Yet all the Biblical characters followed the Hebrew calendar when they celebrated the feasts. If there was no oral Torah given to Moses, then the Hebrew calendar was invented by men very early in Israel’s his-tory, and the holidays have been off schedule since the conquest of Canaan. Not one of the prophets or kings or, most importantly to the Messianic believer, Jesus him-self, could have possibly observed the holidays correctly if the calendar in use was different from the calendar ordained by G-d.

4. The Temple

The Temple too was a product of the oral Torah. The written Torah never acknowl-edges Jerusalem as the proper place for worship, and only briefly mentions that the L-rd will someday chose a special place for Himself. (Lev. 18:6) Only the oral Torah identifies the chosen place as Jerusalem, yet David knew where he wanted to build the Temple. The written Torah also gives detailed instructions for how to build G-d’s sanctuary. It was to be a tent erected by the priests. Even if one assumes that David knew through prophecy that Jerusalem was the place the L-rd had chosen, there is no provision in the Torah for a permanent structure to replace the Tabernacle. It was forbidden to add or detract from the commands that G-d gave to Moses (Duet. 4:2), and Moses never wrote down any plan for the Tabernacle to be permanently folded up and put away. If G-d did not pass his plan to someday have a Temple on to Moses, than all of Israel’s worship from the reign of Solomon on was invalid. Be-cause Jesus frequented the Temple, Messianic Jews, as believers in Jesus as sinless, can be sure this too was clearly not the case.

5. The Oral Torah in the New Testament

For Messianic Jews, there is no higher authority than Jesus, himself. Becoming like Jesus is one of the life goals of every Messianic Jew. In the matter of the oral Torah, committed Messianic Jews must follow Jesus just as in every other matter, to be doctrinally consistent. Because of his frequent altercations with the Pharisees, the alleged keepers of the oral tradition, many assume that Jesus did not follow the Oral Torah. It is easy to overly simplify Jesus’ relationship with Pharisaic Judaism by anachronistically projecting modern Protestant doctrine into the New Testament. Scholars, however, have noticed that, “The teachings of Jesus show the closest affinity to that of the Pharisees.”[41] The fact that Jesus also had differences with the Sadducees, the virulent anti-Oral Torah sect, is often downplayed; as is the fact that whenever he disagreed with them, it was because he held to a doctrine found only in the oral Torah – resurrection from the dead.[42] As in the Old Testament, the New Testament’s view of the Oral Torah is much more complicated than is commonly assumed.

Jesus and his disciples clearly held to at least some of the oral Torah. Jesus warned his disciples against making their tefillin wide. (Mt 23:5) Tefillin are leather boxes containing scripture verses that are worn by observant Jewish men in accordance with Deut 6:8, “Tie them [the commandments] on your hand as a sign, [and] put them as frontlets between your eyes.” Most Christians take the verse figuratively. Dr. Daniel Botkin, a respected Messianic leader and publisher of Gates of Eden maga-zine, understands the commandment to be metaphorical as well. “Since there is no actual instructions to make leather boxes,” he writes. “It is highly doubtful that this commandment really means, ‘Thou shalt make for thyself little leather boxes to strap upon thy hand and thy head when thou prayest.’”[43] Dr. Botkin also points out that the Karaites, too, abandoned the literal interpretation of the mitzvah. However, abandon is the most accurate term for their decision not to follow the custom. Their practice of not wearing tefillin was unique, and not an outgrowth of a previously existing be-lief. Before the destruction of the second Temple, Judaism split into over twenty different sects, or according to some opinions, 200, and all of them wore tefillin. Tefillin were worn so universally among Jews that the Sadducees, who rejected the oral Torah, never thought to question their validity. Even some modern Messianic Jewish scholars accept the practice. Dr. Stern, in his Complete Jewish Bible, trans-lates Duet. 6:8, “Tie them on your hand as a sign, put them at the front of a head-band around your forehead.”

Jesus also seems to have regarded the oral Torah’s interpretation of the written pre-cept as the correct one, otherwise it would be difficult to explain why he would criti-cize hypocrites for making tefillin wide when, without an Oral Torah, they really should not have made them at all. Many would assert that it is not wrong to wear tefillin, only unnecessary.[44] However, while it is certainly not wrong to wear leather boxes as a fashion statement, Deut 4:2 makes it very clear that making up unauthorized religious requirements is forbidden. Jesus was not afraid to tell the Pharisees when he thought their customs were man made (Mt 15:7), but he did not condemn them for wearing tefillin. When he commented that the cases should not be made wide, he acknowledged that they should be made, albeit smaller than some of his contemporaries made them. He also acknowledged his acceptance of at least that portion of the oral Torah.

Jesus and his disciples also held a standard of kashrut, proper eating, that was con-sistent with the Oral Torah. For ancient Jews eating was a religious act, and the early Judeo-Christian believers were no different. The awesome sanctity of eating was so ingrained in the minds and heart of the early believers that even though Paul downplayed it by saying, “Now food will not improve our relationship with G-d – it will be neither poorer if we abstain nor richer if we eat;” (1Cor 8:8) three of the four commandments that the Jerusalem Council insisted all believers observe immediately upon becoming Jesus believers dealt with food. (Acts 15:20&29; 21:25) Two of these came from the oral Torah: not to eat things sacrificed to idols,[45] and not to eat things strangled.[46] The written Torah does not forbid either of these types of food, yet Jesus, in Revelation, is portrayed as strongly rebuking the communities of Perga-mum and Thyatira for breaking the ban on their consumption. (Rev 2:14 & 20) The authority of the Oral Torah in the lives of early Messianic believers cannot be doubted when half of the commands the Jerusalem council required of Gentiles were from the Oral Torah.

Jesus also demonstrated a belief in the oral traditions in his most beloved set of teachings – the Sermon on the Mount. More than a few biblical scholars have noticed that the morality demanded by Jesus in Matthew 5-7 far exceeds that which is writ-ten in the five Books of Moses. The Decalogue forbids adultery; Jesus forbids adul-terous thoughts. The decalogue forbids murder; Jesus forbids anger. Many see this as an example of Jesus’ higher calling, but few acknowledge the question his words create. If Deuteronomy 4:2 forbids adding to the commandments, wouldn’t Jesus be sinning by demanding so much more than the written Torah asks, something com-pletely inconsistent with Christian and Messianic theology?

It is easy to dismiss the question by relying on the doctrine that Jesus was G-d and reasoning that as such he could do anything he wanted. Such reasoning ignores that Christian and Messianic doctrine also maintains that he was the Son of G-d, and a man bound by his Father’s law. Nobody would suggest that if Jesus murdered some-one it would not be a sin. Thousands of protesters gathered in front of movie thea-ters when they believed The Last Temptation of Christ suggested he had committed sexual sins with Mary the Magdalene. Everybody understands that if Jesus could do whatever he liked without it being counted a sin, the claim that he was sinless would be meaningless. It is a basic New Testament teaching that when Jesus walked the earth he was perfectly obedient to G-d’s will. That obedience would have to include not adding to the Torah. (Deut 4:2)

Yet if G-d only gave Moses the Written Torah, the Sermon on the Mount would not, as Christianity and Messianic Judaism clearly hold, be a sterling example of Jesus’ brilliance and authority. It would be a demonstration of his sinfulness in violating Deut. 4:2. His claim to be anything more than a mere sinner would be condemned by his most cherished teachings. However, careful study reveals startling similarities between Jesus’ Sermon on the Mount teachings and teachings Jews believe had been passed down orally from Moses. If Jesus was teaching from an authoritative oral revelation given to Moses, then he did not disobey G-d by adding to His word during the Sermon on the Mount.

Many scholars have struggled with Jesus’ teaching, “You have heard that our fathers were told, ‘Do not commit adultery.’ And I tell you that a man who even looks at a woman with the purpose of lusting after her has already committed adultery with her in his heart.” (Mat 6:27) It seems to demand something impossible of men, something the written Torah never asked. Even Jewish scholars have questioned its source. Conservative Jewish Rabbi Joseph Telushkin writes concerning Jesus’ words, “Judaism’s attitude is that the deed, not the thought, is what counts. That’s why the Seventh of the Ten Commandments legislates, ‘You shall not commit adultery.’”[47] However, Jesus was not arbitrarily adding an unnatural stringency to the Torah; he was teaching from a tradition Moses received at Sinai, “Not only is he who sins with his body considered an adulterer, but he who sins with his eye is also considered one.”[48]

Jesus’ comments, “If your right eye makes you sin, gouge it out and throw it away…If your hand right hand makes you sin, cut it off and throw it away,” (Mat 5:29-30) have also tormented readers for thousands of years. Some, understanding that vv. 27-30 are all teachings on lust, have suggested Jesus condoned castration. Origen, for example, castrated himself to fulfill Jesus’ command. Nietzsche too as-cribed to Origen’s interpretaition when he mocked the verse by saying, “It is not precisely the eye that is meant.”[49] Unfortunately for Origen, neither he nor Nietzsche was familiar with rabbinical literature.

Jesus certainly didn’t mean for his followers to emasculate themselves. G-d forbade the Israelites to subject even their animals to painful castration. (Lev. 22:24) Men-tion of cutting off one’s hand within the context of a teaching on lustful thoughts and improper glances was simply a quote from the oral Torah, “The hand that fre-quently touches [the genitals]…in the case of a man, should be cut off.”[50] Jesus was using the same hyperbole with his audience that G-d used with Moses to communi-cate the sinfulness of masturbation. It is extremely unlikely that he ever intended for any kind of amputation to take place.

Jesus’ ideas on prayer mirror those in the oral Torah, as well. He taught his disciples not to babble when they prayed (Mat. 5:7), and advised them to never stop praying for something they really needed. (Luke 18:1-6) What Jesus called babbling, Chazal labeled calculating, purposely making one’s prayers long so that they would be an-swered. Calculating, or babbling, was forbidden by the Oral Torah;[51] and just as Jesus advised his disciples to continue asking G-d for what they wanted, the oral Torah commanded the Israelites, “If a man realizes that he has prayed and not been an-swered, he should pray again.”[52]

6. The Oral Torah Then and Now

It is clear that early believers believed in an Oral Torah. Jesus taught from it during the Sermon on the Mount, and the Apostles commanded even Gentiles to keep por-tions of it. When rumors circulated that Paul had apostatized from the Torah, the other apostles took measures to confirm he had not been, “Telling them [Jewish believers] not to have b’rit-milah for their sons and not to follow the traditions.” (Acts 21:21 emphasis added) But was the oral Torah Jesus and his disciples ascribed to the same as the one modern Judaism possesses. It would be very nice if it were. As complicated as the Talmud is, at least it is in writing and still very much extant. If the Talmud is the embodiment of the tradition Moses received at Sinai, it is in exis-tence today, and available for study. If the earliest believers knew of an Oral Torah different from the one that is preserved in the Talmud, then Messianic Jews are faced with the very difficult project of recovering it.

Some Messianic Jewish leaders have already suggested that option. “A Messianic Jew who realizes that the Torah still is in force under the New Covenant ought to be full of questions,” writes Dr. Stern. “One can imagine creating a body of New Testa-ment case law much like the Talmud, the Codes and Responsa of Judaism.”[53] Is there such a need?

Spiritually speaking, the easy route never seems to be the proper, or even the avail-able one. The road is always hard and the gate is always narrow. (Mat.) With the Oral Torah, the case is the same. There is considerable evidence that though Jesus and his disciple did believe in an Oral Torah, it was not the Oral Torah, i.e. the one embodied in the Talmud. Jesus’ Oral Torah seems to have possessed explanations the Talmud lacks, and to not have had ones the Talmud does.

Immersion is one such example. Jesus approached John by saying, “Let it be this way now, because we should do everything righteousness requires.” (Mat 3:15) There is no commandment in the written Torah to be immersed for the remission of sins, nor does the Talmud possess such a mitzvah. Why Jesus and John felt that righteousness required immersion is a mystery for many modern scholars. Jews of the time, including the Pharisees, Essenes, and Saducees, required periodic immer-sions in a mikvah, a body of naturally gathered rainwater; but the immersion was only for the removal of ritual impurity, and had to be repeated. Outside of the early Messianic community, no first century Jewish sect practiced a ritual involving a one-time immersion for the cleansing of sins. The Talmud does mention a story that may indicate where the idea came from. According to legend, after Adam and Eve sinned and were evicted from Eden, they stood in a river up to their necks to remove the stain of sin. Also, a proselyte to Judaism was said to be a new person when he im-merged from the mikvah. Naturally, because he was a brand new person, all of his previous sins were expiated. However, this was only true of Gentiles coming into the Jewish faith. For Jews to try to reap the same reward from the mikvah would have been an innovation.

If the examples of Adam and Eve and proselytes were the sources for John and Je-sus’ idea of immersion for the remission of sin, than it would still be possible for the Oral Torah they knew to be identical with the one that is preserved today. What’s more, because Jesus believed himself sinless, his immersion could not have been for repentance. There is a passage in the Talmud that indicates Jesus’ immersion was not for remission of sins and not an innovation without precedent. According to the Oral Torah, a King should be anointed at a river so that his reign would be long like the river itself.[54] If John saw his immersion of Jesus as a way of recognizing Jesus as king, then the immersion was done in a manner keeping with Oral Torah. Immersion for the remission of sins, however, was either the result of a reinterpretation of the significance of the mikvah, or the product of a tradition separate from the one pre-served in modern Judaism. It is unclear which was the case. The difference be-tween the Messianic communities’ understanding of the Mikvah and the traditional understanding is not great enough to preclude the possibility that they are both the product of the same oral tradition.

The significance given to immersion by the early believing community is not the only example of an early Messianic practice diverging from its Pharisaic counterpart only enough to point to a possible difference in the core tradition. The manner in which the early Messianic believers accepted new comers to the faith was done largely in accordance with the Oral Torah as preserved in the Talmud. Pharisaic Judaism too immersed new comers before accepting them as members of the community. Unlike traditional Judaism, however, the early Messianic community did not demand that Gentile new comers become circumcised, a necessity according to the Talmud. How-ever, there were opinions even within Pharisaic Judaism that circumcision was un-necessary for people wanting to join the community; and James’ reluctance to make Gentile believers circumcise themselves may have also been due to another aspect of the oral Torah – Gentiles were not to be allowed to become circumcised and con-vert after the Messiah came, and James firmly believed he had.

There are, however, passages that make it clear that the Oral Torah Jesus and the apostles knew was not the one that the Talmud embodies. Jesus’s concept of what was permitted on the Sabbath was different from what the Talmud preserves as the law. Jesus did not seem to consider plucking grain one of the forms of work forbid-den on the Sabbath. (Mat. 12:1-8) He also seemed to regard human well-being, not just human life, as a cause for breaking the Sabbath.[56] That compassion would take precedent over the Sabbath seems obvious to most people, but the issue is not just one of compassion. It is certainly one of tradition. The Pharisees, too, were con-cerned with compassion; but the controversy was over which acts were truly com-passionate.

Christianity maintains a belief in a spiritual world and a physical world. Judaism and other ancient religions, such as Hinduism, blur the line between the two. The physi-cal world is not seen as a separate reality from the world of the spirit, but as the spirit world’s exposed edge that pokes through into the realm of our perceptions. When the Pharisees forbade healing on the Sabbath (except in the case of mortal danger), they were not saying that the Sabbath was more important than curing human suffering. They were holding to a tradition that taught that the damage done in the spiritual world by breaking the Sabbath would, in the end, create more human suffering than waiting until after Shabbat to cure a person would.

Of all the differences between the New Testament and the Talmud, perhaps the most interesting is Jesus’s words to the Pharisees, “Which one of you wouldn’t raise his sheep from a hole on Shabbat?” Rescuing the sheep would be a violation of the Sabbath according to modern Jewish law.[57] The verse seems to indicate that even the group of Pharisees Jesus was speaking to held a different tradition than the one pre-served in modern Judaism.

That different groups would have different versions of the Oral Torah is absolutely consistent with the doctrine. If a tradition is passed on from generation to genera-tion it is only natural for the transmission to result in discrepancies. Judaism solved the problem by reasoning that whatever the majority of people received as the tradi-tion was probably closer to the original than the minority view. Even in Judaism, it is accepted that the majority was not always correct. Sometimes, the majority believed G-d gave Moses an interpretation he had not. However, even when this was the case, the majority was still followed. Otherwise, the minority would always believe the majority was wrong, and continue practicing according to its opinion. Sects and schisms would appear, and the survival of the Jewish people would be threatened. Because the sages believed that the Judaism’s survival was more important than being correct on every single aspect of the Torah, the majority was always followed, even when it was known to be wrong.[58] Jesus’ view, as well as that of those Pharisees who would have rescued the sheep, was a dissenting opinion. Deut. 7 makes it clear that after the law was codified as it is today, it is a Torah requirement to keep it.

7. Conclusions

It is clear that there was an Oral Torah given at Mount Sinai. Tribes separated from Judaism since the first Temple period keep parts of it, and righteous members of the exiled Northern Tribes observed at least a segment of it. The Judges and Prophets made it a part of their lives, and the Apostles even instructed Gentile new comers to the fledgling Messianic faith to keep two of its commands. But what is its relevance for Messianic believers today?

For those who accept that the New Testament never abrogated the older one, it is clear that they should keep the Oral Torah with as much devotion as they observe its written counterpart. It is one Torah, given by the same G-d. Until the Saducees arose to question the validity of the oral half, righteous Jews simply referred to both pieces as, “The Torah.” (Pirkei Avot 1:1) With the scriptures so clear, it seems Bibli-cally mandated that Jews of every ilk to follow its teachings.

Jesus told his disciples, “The Torah teachers and the P’rushim [Pharisees]…sit in the seat of Moses. So whatever they tell you, take care to do it. But don’t do what they do, because they talk but don’t act.” (Mat 23:2-3 JNT) The particular Pharisees Jesus was talking about mouthed Pharisaic doctrines while swallowing widows houses and praying for show. (Mat 23:14) It would seem that it is their negative actions, not their traditionalism that he condemned; their works not their beliefs. Even when he chastises them for being extra scrupulous with their tithes while neglecting mercy and justice, he tells them, “You should do the latter without neglecting the former.” (Mat 23:23) He was not opposed to their acts of piety, but to the hypocrisy some of them displayed. Should Messianic Jews practice the Oral Torah as passed down by the Pharisees even though it does not appear to be the one Jesus knew?

The differences between the two aren’t great. Jesus and his disciples appear to have shared a common tradition with the Pharisees regarding kashrut, tefillin, and moral-ity. On the Sabbath that they diverge; but only on the issue of whether the Sabbath should be violated to protect human life or also to enrich it. However, if they clearly diverged over the Sabbath, where did they differ that we no longer know about? Perhaps it is time for the code of New Testament Case Law that Dr. Stern spoke of to be written. In any case, Messianic Jews must begin the process of education. “Any scribe who becomes a scribe for the Kingdom of Heaven is like a something that brings forth new treasures with the old,” Jesus said. (Mat. 13:52) Messianic Judaism needs a few such scribes.

_________________

[1] David Blivin and Roy Blizzard, Jr. Understanding the Difficult Words of Jesus, (Shippensburgh, Pa: Destiny Image Publishers, 1994), p67

[2] Maimonides, Commentary to Mishnah, (Sanhedrin ch. 10). Maimonide does not use ‘Oral Torah’ in his Ani Maamin. It is universally accepted that Principles eight and nine refer to both the Written and Oral Torahs.

[3] Isadore Twersky. A Maimonides Reader. (New York: Luhrman House, Inc. 1972), p35

[4] Ibid p36

[5] Ibid p37

[6] Jacob Neusner, An Invitation to the Talmud. (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1973), Foreward p.xi

[7] Pirkei Avos 1:3 

[8] Reuban Kaufman. Great Sects and Schisms in Judaism. (New York: Jonathan David Publishers.), 1967. P24

[9] Josephus. Antiquities XVIII. 1, 4

[10] Kaufman, Sects, pp40-42.

[11] Carol Calise. “Messianic Judaism versus Rabbinic Judaism” (www.bethemanuel.com/messj.htm)

[12] Dr. Michael L. Brown. Let’s Get Truthful, tape l

[13] Dr. David H. Stern, Messianic Jewish Manifesto. (Clarksville: Jewish New Testament Publications, 1991) p148

[14] Anonymous, How to Point to Moshiakh In Your Rabbi’s Bible, (Artist’s for Israel International, 1995).   

[15] Dan Levine, “Is the Oral Torah Binding for Jewish Believers in Jesus?” Gates of Eden, Jul-August 2000, vol 6 No.4, p. 18. In keeping with the Gates of Eden copyright policy all Gates of Eden articles sited will be reproduced in their entirety as endnotes. Letter to the Editor are sited under Fair Use.     Daniel Botkin has bimonthly publication, Gates of Eden. For a sample issue, write to PO Box 2257, East Peoria, IL 61611-0257

[16] Ariel and D’vorah Berkowitz, Torah Rediscovered. (Lakewood, Co: First Fruits of Zion, 1996), p. 87.

[17] James Beasley, An Introduction to the Bible. (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1991) pp. 55-56.

[18] Mishnah Sanhedrin 6:5

[19] Mishnah Shabbos 7:2

[20] Mitzvots are good deeds or commandments.

[21] Marriage Contracts, or ketubot, are not a part of the Oral Torah, but were instituted as part of a rabbinical decree meant to protect women from frivolous divorce. The custom seems to have had its origin much farther back than the decree and is universally known among the scattered Jewish communities. See Babylonian Talmud, Ketubos 39b

[22] Graham Hancock. The Sign and the Seal. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992.)  p. 246.

[23] Hosit, “Teffilin”, The Encyclopedia Judaica.

[24] See Pirkei Avos 1:1 where the oral Torah is simply called, “The Torah.”

[25] I have translated the Hebrew word, Torah, as Teaching rather than Law. Not only is this a more accurate translation, it also helps illustrate the ambiguity present in the meaning of the Hebrew text.

[26] Stern, Complete Jewish Bible. (Clarksville, MD: Jewish New Testament Publications, Inc. 1998). Here and elsewhere, where Stern translates the tetragramaton A/donai­, it is rendered HaShem.

[27] W. Gunther Plaut, The Torah: A Modern Commentary. (New York: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 1981) p. 1485.

[28] Women’s gear was defined as feminine clothing, hair dye, cosmetics, and anything women usually use to beautify themselves. On a recent trip to Jerusalem, a sales clerk informed the author that men are permitted to dye their hair unnatural colors such as pink and blue because this is not considered ‘beautifying’. The author was able to confirm this with several lower level yeshiva students, but not with a rabbi or higher-level scholar. One yeshiva rebbe flatly denied it, and his opinon should be followed. Piercings are permitted wherever the prevailing culture considers them gender appropriate and there is no risk of infection. 

[29] Theodore Gaster, Myth, Legend and Custom in the Old Testament. (New York: Harper and Row, 1969) pp. 316-318.

[30] Judges does not specifically say that Jael was a Hebrew, but her name is Hebrew for “The L-rd is G-d,” and it is hard to see why a native Kenite would have a Hebrew name or attack a needy ally.

[31] It is inaccurate to say that Ruth was a Moabite. While she was certainly born a Moabite, it is clear that she converted to Judaism and became fully Jewish. Evidently she had converted when she married Naomi’s son, or she would not have been allowed to marry Boaz under the law of Halitzah (Deut 25:5-10) as Israelite men were not permitted to take foreign wives. (Ezra 9:2)[32] Harold Brody, “Who is a Rabbi, Who is a Jew,” Petah Tikvah. (Rochester, NY)

 

[33] Chazal is a Hebrew acronym for Our Sages of Blessed Memory, and is used to refer to the sages of the Talmud.

[34] Mishnah Shabbos 7:2. The Mishnah forbids carrying anything from one domain to another. The classes of domains are more complex than the simple difference between private and public property. For example, everything within a walled city is considered one domain; however, apartments in an apartment building are different domains.

[35] Anonymous, “The New Moon and the Power of Judaism” sited from: (www.beingjewish.com/yomtov/chodesh/newmoon.html 

[36] 2240AD is the year 6000 on the Hebrew calendar, the date the Rabbis calculated as the latest the Messiah could possibly come. They expected him to restore the Sanhedrin’s power to declare the beginning of the months and the leap year, and they didn’t bother adding more features to the calendar to fortify it indefinitely against seasons’ creeping. The average Hebrew year is .0046 days longer than the average solar year; so the holidays will creep out of their proper seasons in 6880AD.

[37] The seven-day, biblical week is so common today that few people realize how arbitrary it is. The Bible reports that it’s length is in memory of creation (Gen. 2:1-4 & Ex 20:11), but other cultures, which did not share a belief in the biblical creation account, used other periods for their week. The Roman week had eight days, some Africans use five days, and the Yoruba week lasts sixteen days. Anthony Aveni, Empires of Time. (New York: Basic Books, Inc. 1989), p107

[38] Gad Erlanger, Signs of the Times: The Zodiac in Jewish Tradition. (New York, NY: Feldheim Publishers, 1999), p. 27.

[39] Edward Chumney, The Seven Festivals of the Messiah. (Shippensburgh, PA: Treasure House, 1994.), p. 105.

[40] Erlanger, p. 121.

[41] Wilson, Abraham. P. 40.

[42] The Talmud says that the resurrection from the dead actually does appear in hidden form in the written Torah. Daniel (Dan 12:2) also contains references to resurrection, however, the canon of the Old Testament past the Torah (called the Nakh in traditional Judaism) is the product of a Rabbinical Injunction made in 90AD, and can’t be considered authoritative in an argument that took place c.28 AD. In any case, in Jesus’ time, the Nakh was considered holy only by Pharisees, and was much larger than the present day Hebrew Bible. The “Bible” of Pharisaism in Jesus’ time was very similar to the Catholic Old Testament, which is why the Sadducees mocked the book of Tobit (Tob 3:8), a book in the Pharisaic canon, when they attacked Jesus for holding to the hope of resurrection, a Pharisaic doctrine. (Mt 22:23-28; Mk 12:18-22)

[43] Dr. Daniel Botkin, “Magic Squares, 666, & The Mark of the Beast,” Gates of Eden, vol. 6 no.2, March-April 2000, p. 13.

[44] Botkin, “Magic Squares, 666, & The Mark of the Beast.” p. 13. 

[45] Mishnah Avodah Zorah 2:3

[46] Mishnah Chullin 1:2. If the disciples at the Jerusalem synod used ‘strangled’ in the same way Chazal did, they actually forbade meat slaughtered with all but the sharpest knife and greatest care.

[47] Rabbi Joseph Telushkin, Jewish Wisdom. (New York, NY: William Morrow and Company, Inc., (1994), p. 136.

[48] Leviticus Rabba 23:12

[49] Robert Sheaffer, The Making of the Messiah. (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1991),  p. 17.

[50] Mishnah Nidah 2:1.

[51] Babylonian Talmud, Berekhot 32b.

[52] Babylonian Talmud, Berekhot 32b.

[53] Stern, Manifesto, p. 158.

[54] Tosefta, Sanhedrin 4:10.

[55] Babylonian Talmud, Yebemos 46a and b.

[56] Compare Mat. 12:12 and Talmud, Shabbos 132a.

[57] Stern, Manifesto, p. 112.

[58] Talmud, Bava Metzia 59b.

 

 

About the Author
Reb Yhoshua is a man of very small stature, and fancies himself the Yiddishe Martha Stewart, without the insider trading. He is author of several articles on Messianic Judaism and its relationship to Torah and history, and is translator and author of The Illuminated Tikkun Chatzos, which nobody has ever read except himself.
He liked it.

A Short Note on the Concept of “Mystery” in Trinitarian Doctrine

 

The recourse to the category of ‘mystery’ is always a safe refuge for those who believe that Yeshua is a G-dman and that G-d is a Trinity. This is true both for traditional Christian theologians and for those Messianics who try to base their Trinitarian doctrine on a kabbalistic foundation.

 

I think that this kind of reasoning — in so far that is a reasoning at all and not the giving up of all reasoning — is highly defective. Nevertheless, I would say that the Trinitarians have a valid point in emphasing that G-d is transcendent and that His greatness and glory are far above human reason. It is rightly said that He is the “mysterium tremendum et fascinans”. This is a biblical notion that some Unitarians tend to forget. The reasonableness of the Unitarian exegesis of Scripture should not make us forget that G-d’s Being is an unfathomable mystery. But this doesn’t mean at all that G-d’s mysteriousness is the mysteriousness of a Trinity or a G-dman. Two elementary distinctions should be kept in mind here.

 

The proposition that the Trinity is a mystery is always a conclusion, based on the assumption that the Trinity is true or that a Trinitarian G-d is possible.

 

First, no orthodox Trinitarian accepts that he should believe in the Trinity without any compelling argument. The argument Trinitarians find themselves compelling is that they understand Scripture to teach a number of distinct propositions that logically necessitate the acceptance of the Trinity. These propostions are mainly the following: 1.) that there is One G-d; 2.) that Messiah is the Son of G-d, and, consequently, that G-d is the Father of Messiah; 3.) that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son; 4.) that the Son of G-d is G-d; 5.) that the Holy Spirit is G-d; 6.) that the Father is not the Son; 7.) that the Son is not the Holy Spirit; 8.) that the Holy Spirit is not the Father. The Trinitarian — or at least the Protestant Trinitarian — believes that each of these propositions is taught by Scripture. From this he concludes that he has to accept the mysterious concept of a Divine Trinity. But the real question is of course whether all these propositions can really be proved by Scripture. And if some of them can’t there is no longer any necessity to accept the mystery of the Trinity.

 

Second, very often their reasoning is based on possibility, and in this case it starts at the other end. In this case it is argued against the Unitarian: “How can you prove that G-d cannot be a Trinity?” or: “How can you demonstrate that G-d cannot be a man?” But that is simply not the right question to ask. Of course, if G-d is above human reason — and, as I said, truly He is and His Being is unfathomable — the possibility cannot be excluded beforehand that He can assume human nature or that He is Three as well as One. For how can human reason by its own efforts know what is possible for Almighty G-d? To say that we can know a priori what is possible for G-d to do or to be would verge on the blasphemous. But the fundamental and critical question is not whether it can be decided by us beforehand what is possible for G-d. The question is rather: what do the Scriptures say that is really the case? The question is: Do the Scriptures really teach us that G-d exists in Three Persons, or that Messiah is G-d? The question is not whether it is in itself metaphysically possible for G-d to exist in Three Persons or to assume human nature. For even if we admit these possibilities — not because we accept them as true but because we cannot exclude them beforehand — how shall we conclude from these mere possibilities to their actual truth? From the possible to the actual there is no valid inference: de posse ad esse non valet illatio (from the fact that something is possible we can make no valid inference to its reality).

 

Even having stated that we have to fully accept that G-d is Infinite and Incomprehensible, and thus above human reason, I do not think that we should say that He is contrary to human reason. I mean by this that we cannot be asked to believe in flat contradictions. We cannot even really do that, for we are unable to affirm and deny the same thing at the same time and under the same respect when these alternatives are clearly set before us. Personally, I think that Trinitarian doctrine, and above all the teaching that Messiah is both G-d and man, is contradictory in itself. Yet it is difficult to prove this. Such a proof is not necessary, however. It is enough to demonstrate that these doctrines are not found in Scripture and cannot be proved thereby.

 

Moreover, the Scriptures even positively exclude that Messiah is G-d and, consequently, that G-d exists in Three Persons. Not because that these things are metaphysically impossible, but because they are not actually true. Scripture clearly teaches 1) that Messiah is man and 2) that he is not G-d. A reasonable exegesis of Scripture does not lead us to “the mystery of the Trinity”. And yet this reasonable exegesis does lead us to acknowledge the incomprehensible greatness of G-d and the glory of his gracious revelation in Messiah Yeshua.

Some Remarks on the Halachah of Yom Tov Sheni

 

  

by Geert ter Horst

 

It is sometimes asked whether Messianics should observe the rabbinic institution of the second day of the festival, Yom Tov Sheni. The following considerations are an attempt to answer this question. It should be noticed that these considerations, as well as their author, have no halachic authority and that each person should follow the established custom of his community. My remarks are only meant as a contribution to scholarly discussion.

 

From the biblical sources we know that the annual feasts — with the notable exception of Shavuoth — are on fixed days of certain months. Chag HaMatzoth begins on the 15th day of Nisan, Rosh HaShanah on the 1st day of Tishri, and the festival of Sukkoth on the 15th day of Tishri. The biblical records, however, do not mention or prescribe a particular method for determining the New Moon. It is assumed that traditionally this was done by a combination of visual observation and calculation. Since the lunar cycle is about 29½ days, a lunar month can be no longer than 30 days. This has led to the general thumb rule that, if on the 29th day of the month the Moon did not visibly appear, the month had 30 days (and thus was a “full month”), and the new month started on the 31st day. If the Moon was seen on the 29th day, then this day was the closing day of the month (which was thus a “defective month”), and the new month started rightaway on the 30th day.

 

The partial dependence on visual perception in determining the New Moon created difficulties for distant diaspora communities. Since the New Moon was formally declared by the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem, on the testimony of witnesses, the far-away communities had to receive a signal or message from this national institution, indicating that the new month had begun or else was about to begin the next day. It was not always easy, especially in perilious times, to maintain this system of signals and messengers. This was the more so in the particular case of Rosh HaShanah, a feast day that falls on Rosh Chodesh itself. Delay in receiving the signal or message would cause diaspora communities to miss the correct day for celebrating this important festival.

 

To counter this problem the Sages instituted the celebration of two days. If the diaspora communities celebrated both the 30th and the 31st day it would be ensured that no transgression of the Torah laws occurred and that Rosh HaShanah was properly kept. Gradually, for the sake of accuracy and uniformity, the custom of Yom Tov Sheni was accepted for all the major festivals, with only one exception: Yom Kippur. To observe two days in this instance would obviously cause too much hardship. A significant feature resulting from this decision is that diaspora Jews keep two Seder nights.

 

Nowadays the New Moon is no longer established by visual perception. With the abrogation of the Sanhedrin — during the times of the Roman Emperor Constantius — its last Patriarch, Hillel II (330-365), published the calculation system and authorized a purely mathematical calendar for all time to come. Thus the system of witnessing and signalling ceased to be, and the Jewish calendar became fixed. Yet the halachah of Yom Tov Sheni, although no longer necessary from a technical calendrical viewpoint, was retained, because of the adage or principle that “the tradition of the forefathers is in our hands” and should therefore be faithfully guarded, not changed.

 

It remains to be seen, however, whether this particular tradition should be retained only for the sake of this adage or principle. A fundamental question here is why adding new customs is not viewed as a violation of this principle, in contradistinction to abrogating or changing an existent custom. More to the point: Should we not try to keep the calendrical system tightly connected to the original demands of the Written Torah, without adding or taking away from it? And should we not view a deviation from the ancient laws and customs a more serious matter than a deviation from a later system that was developed to protect and fence in these ancient rules? These and other questions may legitimately be asked, and a number of arguments can be given to indicate that this protective and fencing system has its own disadvantages. The very idea of doubling the Yamim Tovim is evidently unwonted and peculiar, and this fact should not be ignored too easily. Some objective reasons for not adopting the halachah of Yom Tov Sheni are the following.

 

First, the second Yom Tov was only instuted for the calendrical reason of the insecurity for diaspora communities in determining the New Moon. This insecurity, that is intrinsic to the biblical calendar, can be ignored, I think, in our present mathematical calendar. And I find it difficult to imagine that it was HaShem’s intent to have two days celebrated if only one was expressly commanded in the Torah.

 

Second, the keeping of an additional day causes all Yom Tov observances to be of a hypothetical or conditional nature. If you celebrate two days in a row, then in fact you celebrate the first day under the silently assumed condition that this day, and not the next, is the correct festival day, and you celebrate the second day under the equally silently assumed condition that the first day was the incorrect day, without ever knowing which day was in fact the correct one. It seems to me that there are many halachic difficulties here because of blessings that may have been spoken in vain. If only one of the two days can be the correct one, then the celebration of two days always causes all the festival blessing of the other day to have been spoken in vain. So the consequence should be that the proper festival blessings of the day may only be said conditionally on both days, in the same manner as is done for example — it is the only example I know of such a practice — in a Catholic baptism, when there is doubt whether the person was perhaps formerly baptized. In that case the formula is used: “If you are not baptized, I baptize you…”. To avoid speaking blessings in vain a similar formula has to be adopted for the Yamim Tovim prayers and blessings. However, this was and is never done. Yet in other matters the Rabbis are very attentive to the danger of blessings spoken in vain, because it implies using the Divine Name in vain.

 

Third, a consistent approach to this practice would require a second Yom Kippur as well, which is, of course, as already said above, a nearly impossible hardship. Yet, by the very act of doubling the other Yamim Tovim one unavoidably throws doubts on the correctness of the date of Yom Kippur. If in fact the second Yom Tov of Rosh HaShanah was the correct one, then Yom Kippur was celebrated on the wrong day. I must say that I find this an almost unacceptable conclusion.

 

Fourth, the determination of the New Moon was given into the hands of the authorities of the nation of Israel, and I don’t see a real reason for being overly scrupulous here, since there are many details of the calendar that can make Rosh Chodesh to be a little bit out of touch with Molad. Rosh HaShanah for  example cannot occur on Sundays, Wednesdays or Fridays, because Yom Kippur may never immediately precede or follow a weekly Shabbos, and because Hoshannah Rabbah must not fall on a weekly Shabbos. These details cause tiny frictions with the demand to start the month strictly on the first visible appearance of the New Moon, and the Rabbis have allowed for postponements for these reasons. But if these tiny frictions are permissible, I see no necessity for demanding strict exactness in the determination of the Yamim Tovim. All the above mentioned details belong to the system of the calendar itself and are, in my opinion, part of the whole procedure of determining the New Moon.

 

Fifth, in my perception the introduction of a second Yom Tov destroys much of the deeper symbolism implied in the number of days that are commanded in the Torah to be kept. Matzoth has seven days in the Torah (symbolising our present life of separation from sin), not eight (as the number eight is related to Shavuoth, which is the 50th day, after 7 times 7 days), and this number of days has significance. Likewise, Sukkoth has seven days (equally symbolising our present life) plus an added eight day (that symbolizes the Olam Habah). The numerical symbolism of the days is heavily obscured by the introduction of a second Yom Tov.

 

It may thus well be that the observance of a second Yom Tov day was expedient or even necessary in particular historical times and circumstances, as a means to ensure that the proper festival days were kept and that no major transgression occurred. And it may be that in difficult times still to come — e.g. the times of the future Great Tribulation and the days immediately preceding it — this necessity will occur again. But is it not better, for the time being, to emphasize the importance of what was protected and guarded by the institution of Yom Tov Sheni instead of laying stress on guarding and protecting this institution that is no end in itself?

Gentile Torah Observance: Objection 1

 

In our earlier post: Gentile Torah Observance: Common Objections, we formulated the following argument as the first objection against Torah observance by Gentile believers in Messiah:

 

1. Blurring the Jew-Gentile distinction

The distinction Jew-Gentile is blurred out by Gentile Torah observance. Full Torah observance by Gentiles threatens the distinctiveness of the Jewish people. The Jewish people is a distinct nation that should keep its caracteristic features even within the context of the Messianic Community. When Yeshua the Messiah reconciled the two (Jew and Gentile) in one Body (Eph. 2:15-16), this presupposes that the two are and remain distinct. Their harmonious unity in Messiah does not make them the same.

 

The proper reply to this often heard objection can perhaps be found in an attempt to analyze accurately what is said here. It is said that the Jewish nation should keep its distinct features. When we ask what these distinct features are, the answer given by those who argue in favour of the objection is: the Torah, or more precisely, the ceremonial distinctives of the Torah, which are often described by them as “identity markers of the Jewish people”. Under these distinctives are counted: kashrut, Shabbat, tefillin, &c.

 

If we accept the reasoning found in this answer, then our conclusion must be that the main objective and goal of the ceremonial commandments is to keep the Jewish nation distinct from the other nations. This answer has two obvious inconveniences. The first inconvenience is that there is no direct connection at all between these two things, i.e. between keeping the Jewish nation distinct and the actual ceremonial commandments of the Torah. If the sole object of the ceremonial Torah were to keep the Jewish people distinct from the other nations by a set of commandments, then there were many ways available to do so. Almost any elaborate set of ritual rules would have sufficed. It is obvious, however, that we cannot reduce the ritual Torah to an arbitrary set of rules intended to keep the Jewish nation distinct from the other nations. The proposed answer thus can give no account of the inherent holiness and righteousness of the Torah commandments. And this leads to the second inconvenience. If, as the objection seems to imply, the distinctiveness of the Jewish nation is the object and goal of the (ceremonial part of) the Torah, then  Jewish distinctiveness is made the goal and the Torah the means of obtaining it. But this raises the very serious question: Was the Torah created for the sake of Israel, or was Israel created for the sake of the Torah? What is the means and what is the end in the interrelatedness of Torah and Israel?

 

Although it is certainly true that the Jewish nation has kept its identity by means of the Torah, this is due to the fact that the Jewish nation finds its destination and goal in upholding and proclaiming the Torah. In other words: Israel is the means and the Torah is the goal. Of course Israel is greatly blessed by having received the Torah, as also the Apostle says (Rom. 3:1-2) when he asks himself: “What advantage then hath the Jew? or what profit is there of circumcision?”. And he gives the answer: “Much every way: chiefly, because that unto them were committed the oracles of G-d”. But clearly this advantage and blessedness is founded in the fact that the Torah is G-d’s revelation of justice, mercy and holiness to Israel — and to mankind by means of Israel.

 

The basic problem of the reasoning from the concept of the ceremonial aspects of the Torah as “identity markers” is thus that it necessarily leads to the false conclusion that Jewish distinctiveness is an end in itself, instead of being only a necessary means for being a holy nation dedicated to HaShem.

 

It is possible to subtilize the objection a bit, however, by taking into account the internal distinctions within Israel. For, as is well known, one of the basic distinctions within the Jewish nation is the threefold order of Israelites, Levites and Priests, which is so beautifully symbolized by the three matzot in the Matzah Tasch of the Pesach Seder.  Each of these orders has its own laws, and the orders are structured as levels on a hierarchical scale of sanctity. The order a person belongs to is determined by birth, and the number of laws one has to observe corresponds with the position one has on the scale. Now, according to the reasoning style of the objection above, it is a serious transgression for a Gentile to take upon him the obligations and prerogatives of the Israelite, in the same manner as it is a no less serious transgression for an Israelite from the non-priestly tribes to take upon him the obligations and prerogatives of the priesthood. And albeit it should be conceded that the special laws for the priests are no less laws of sanctification than the laws given to all Israel, yet the Israelite of the non-priestly tribes is excluded from observing them. The priestly laws are thus not meant for the sanctification of the average Israelite, but are for the priests only. In other words: The fact that the ceremonial laws of the Torah were not primarily given to separate Israel from the Gentiles but were for the sanctification of Israel does not permit the conclusion that these laws can be universalized and followed by believers from the Gentiles. To derive such a conclusion would require additional arguments. Could it not be, then, one may ask, that believing Gentiles are simply a fourth level or order according to the hierarchical scale mentioned above, constituting the order of the non-Israelites, and that they are called to observe only those laws that were given to Noach after the Flood (Gen. 9)?

 

It may at first seem that this solution adequately deals with the position of Gentiles and at the same time preserves the distinct position of Israel. But in fact there are great difficulties implied in this scheme of things. One of its consequences is that Gentile believers are now completely outside the Matzah Tasch of Israel! This so-called fourth order is not an additional hierarchical level within the covenant people, but is wholly outside it. It is not a fourth level within the covenant community of Israel, it is of a different covenant community altogether. The Noachide status — whether it be conceived according to its biblical origins in Gen. 9 or according to its later halachic development by the Rabbis — is the status of mankind in general and this status is outside Israels covenants of promise. The Noachide covenant is a covenant about maintaining a basic framework of justice in this world, but it is not related to the World to Come. Therefore it doesn’t adequately reflect the position of believers in Messiah, who, as Paul says in Gal. 3:29 are sons of Abraham, and heirs according to the promise. The covenant of Noach is not based on saving faith, or a walk of life expressive of it.

 

The only adequate solution for determining the Gentile believers’ position is the recognition that this position has to be within the realm of the covenants of promise, and thus within the covenant community of Israel. By their faith in Messiah Yeshua, Gentile believers are elevated to a position of fellow heirs with Israel, and of being of the same body, a position of being partakers of G-d’s promise in Messiah by the Gospel (Eph. 3:6). This position naturally includes the prerogative and the obligation of Torah observance.

 

Does this position blur the distinction between Jew and Gentile, and does it impair the distinct position of the Jews as G-d’s chosen people? In a way it does indeed, at least within the community of the believers in Messiah. Within this community Jew and non-Jew alike have Abraham as their father. Nevertheless, this does not mean that Israel loses its special status or its distinctiveness. The believing Gentiles are included in Israel and its special covenants. Their inclusion is made tangible and visible by their Torah observance, that separates them from the unbelieving Gentile world. Messianic Jews and Messianic Gentiles are thus made equal “in Messiah” on a practical level by their adherence to the Torah. The influx of Gentile believers does not compromise with the distinction between Israel and the world, for the believing Gentiles belong to Israel. Israel is expanded and enriched by them

 

It is sometimes said that the equality between Jew and Gentile “in Messiah” doesn’t take away their different status, and that for this reason Gentiles should not seek to be Torah observant. But it can hardly be said that there is any real equality maintained in relegating the Gentile to a Noachide status. In fact, doing so is destructive of the practical unity of the Body of Messiah. It reduces this unity to a so called “spiritual” or doctrinal unity — one could perhaps say an ethereal “Platonic” unity — that has no real impact on daily life and that in fact divides the Body of Messiah into two separate communities.

 

By the addition of the Gentiles it is made abundantly clear that Jewish distinctiveness per se is not the goal of Jewish existence but rather that this distinctiveness finds its destination and purpose in being a holy people for HaShem.

 

There is still another aspect to be considered. The Messianic Community is only a part of Israel, for it comprises only a part of the Jewish nation, with believing Gentiles added. It is not yet “all Israel”. Outside it, the traditional distinction between Jew and non-Jew is maintained by the unbelieving part of Israel. This is a fact not without significance. At present only a part of the Jewish nation is used by HaShem to bring in the Gentiles and to teach them Torah. The other part keeps aloof and stays away from embracing faith in Messiah. The Body of Messiah thereby shows its forward pointing character, anticipatory of the new creation of the World to Come.

 

There may perhaps be a deeper reason for the just mentioned internal division of the Jewish nation. This division seems to be similar to the division made by Jacob when he was to meet Esau. It is said (Gen. 32:7-8): “Then Jacob was greatly afraid and distressed: and he divided the people that was with him, and the flocks, and herds, and the camels, into two bands; And said, If Esau come to the one company, and smite it, then the other company which is left shall escape”. The messianic part of the Jewish nation is involved in the dangerous operation of conquering the Gentiles by the Gospel and bringing them into subjection to King Messiah. In the early centuries this part of Israel was almost completely defeated and assimilated by the enormous Gentile resistance to the Torah. When the Roman Empire succeeded in its strategy to vindicate itself against the Jewish influence of the Gospel message, and found a way of having Messiah without Torah, the Messianic Jews were almost made irrelevant. The Roman Empire transformed itself to what would become the “Catholic Church” and it accepted Messiah on its own conditions. It developed Replacement Theology as a means to retain its Roman characteristics and culture and as a defensive weapon against the influence of “Jewishness” and Torah.[1]

 

The other part of Israel stood aside from this, as if saying to itself: “If Esau (= Rome) come to the one company, and smite it, then the other company which is left shall escape”. They stood, and still stay, on the back-scene of the Jewish wrestling to bring in the Gentiles. The division of Israel may thus be an aspect of the mystery Paul is hinting at in his letter to the Roman congregation (Rom. 11:25): “For I would not, brethren, that ye should be ignorant of this mystery, lest ye should be wise in your own conceits; that blindness in part is happened to Israel, until the fulness of the Gentiles be come in. And so (= in this manner) all Israel shall be saved”.

 

If this is true, then the best manner for the Gentile believers to show their inclusion in Israel and its covenants is to adopt a lifestyle of faithful allegiance to the Torah. This will greatly help to diminish the influence of the Roman Church and its anti-Torah culture in the Messianic Community, it will strenghten the messianic part of Israel, and will hasten the time when “all Israel shall be saved”.

 

________________

 

[1] Esau and Edom are associated with Rome in Jewish tradition. Rashi’s Commentary on the Chumash connects Prince Magdiel, one of Esau’s descendents, with Rome (cf. Rashi on Gen. 36:43). View e.g.: http://www.tachash.org/metsudah/b08r.html#ch36

 

 

References:

 

Eby, Aaron, “Gentiles and Torah”. Available at: http://ffoz.org/blogs/2009/01/gentiles_and_torah.html

 

Graaff, F. de, Het geheim van de wereldgeschiedenis: Zeven overdenkingen van woorden uit de Heilige Schrift, J.H. Kok — Kampen 1982 (pp. 63-136).

 

Hegg, Tim, ““Do the Seven, Go to Heaven?” An Investigation into the History of the Noachide Laws”. Available at: http://www.torahresource.com/EnglishArticles/NoachideETS2.pdf

 

Hegg, Tim, “The Unity of the Torah”. Available at: http://www.torahresource.com/EnglishArticles/UnityOfTorah.pdf

 

Onderwijzer, Rab. A.S., Nederlandsche Vertaling van den Pentateuch, benevens eene Nederlandsche verklarende vertaling van Rashie’s Pentateuch-Commentaar. Van Creveld & Co. — Amsterdam 1895; Opnieuw uitgegeven door het Nederlands-Israëlietisch Kerkgenootschap — Amsterdam 1975.

 

Theological Supersessionism and the Doctrine of Messiah’s Deity

  

by Geert ter Horst

  

Council of NiceaThe relation between Supersessionism and belief in the Deity of Messiah is a somewhat conjectural and speculative domain in Messianic Jewish theology today, because many leading Messianic ministries and congegrations are adherents of the doctrine of Messiah’s Deity, and some of them are even more or less outspoken trinitarian.

 

In my view Messianic Jewish adherence to this doctrine is biblically erroneous and a theological symptom of a mistaken and concealed continuation of the “Hebrew Christian Church” in Messianic Judaism. In fact, it is a symptom of the fact that Messianic Judaism still suffers from theological colonization by the Christian Church. Messianic Jews are sometimes even more eager and willing to subscribe to the traditional doctrines of the Trinity and the Incarnation than their non-Jewish Christian colleagues, so as to raise no doubt or suspicion about their status as believers in Messiah Yeshua.

 

However, as appears from many magazine articles and Internet publications, this theological position is hardly ever questioned and sufficiently thought through. It is only “defended”, often in an exagerated and overdone manner. Over against this thoughtless defence, I would like to propose here the hypothesis that the doctrine of Yeshua’s Deity, established by the Council of Nicea, is the cornerstone of Supersessionism and an alien element in Messianic Jewish theology. By Supersessionism I understand the teaching that the later Christian Church was the divinely legitimated religious successor of Judaism and of the divine mission once entrusted to the Jewish people. There are a lot of things in Supersessionism that seem to be intimately connected with the Deity doctrine. To justify my hypothesis, I’ll sum up, below, a number of them on the systematic theological level. To avoid mistunderstanding: The points mentioned below do not, and are not intended to, disprove or refute the Deity doctrine. They only establish a systematic relation between this doctrine and Supersessionism. For a thorough biblical refutation of the Deity doctrine we refer to the excellent work of others, e.g. Buzzard’s & Hunting’s, in their well known book: The Doctrine of the Trinity: Christianity’s Self Inflicted Wound.[1]

 

If Yeshua is G-d, and consequently G-d contains more persons than one, there is a huge change from the concept of G-d as revealed in the Tanach and Jewish tradition to the concept of the Christian G-d, who is a Binity or a Trinity. This change is not simply a matter of progressive revelation. Progressive revelation in itself does not imply that basic concepts of the Torah are under revision for a “sensus plenior”, a deeper or even a changed meaning. Yet this is the case here, to an excessive degree. The revelation of G-d’s personal unity in the Tanach is viewed as defective and incomplete, and the central affirmation of Judaism, the Shema: “Hear, o Israel, HaShem is our G-d, HaShem is One!” — although it is not considered to be false — is considered as only a preparation-phase of the completed truth about G-d which supposedly is received in the Trinitarian doctrine of the Christian Church. By the doctrine of G-d as consisting in more than one persons the basic affirmation of Judaism in the Shema is not enriched or deepened in a “sensus plenior”, it is overthrown.

 

If Yeshua is G-d, the leaders of the Jewish people in their rejection of him did not only crucify and murder their Messiah, they committed the far more heinous crime of Deicide, and murdered their own G-d! This crime of Deicide was later, in the Middle Ages, attributed to the Jewish people and seen as the pinnacle of the failures of Judaism, and, theologically, as the end of the covenant relations between G-d and his chosen people. These relations were from then on, it is taught, transferred to the disciples of Yeshua, who constituted the emerging Christian Church. Thus, paradoxically, the horrible accusation of Deicide was levelled against the Jews by those who had fundamentally changed and overturned the meaning of the Shema Yisrael.

 

If Yeshua is G-d, and G-d has become man in Yeshua, then the fundamental distinction between Creator and creature, as it is generally upheld by traditional Christianiy, is obliterated in the very person that is to be the Mediator between G-d and man. Yeshua is viewed both as the true image of G-d, by his manhood, and as G-d himself. He is two natures in one divine Person. Therefore, when people meet and see the Person Yeshua according to this conception, they literally meet and see G-d, although “veiled in flesh”. In other words, if G-d is incarnated in the realm of creation — in the man Yeshua — then one can as well say that that part of creation is deified. G-d is identified here with a visible being. However, if G-d Himself exists as a visible being, then the elementary lesson of the Torah, expressed in Deut. 4:15-20, that nothing that we can see or touch here on earth or in the heavens above is divine — in other words that no creature at all is G-d — is denied. According to the dominant interpretation of the Incarnation, favoured by the Catholic streams in Christianity, this means, inter alia, that the important Torah prohibition of image worship should be considered cancelled. For what reason can there be for still upholding the prohibition that we should not make or worship a graven image or likeness of G-d, if G-d himself chooses to become a visible creature? In this way the Torah is reinterpreted in such a way that it is really overruled. If this can happen once, it can happen more often. Thus the possibility for the abolishment some of the commandments of the Torah — in fact the category of the ritual commandments — seems to be grounded in the ecclesiastical exaltation of Yeshua to the realm of Deity. Indeed, one can say, the genius of Catholicism has found “a beautiful way” of setting aside the word of G-d in favour of human tradition, under the guise of piety and devotion (cf. Mk. 7:9).

 

If Yeshua is G-d, then Miryam, Yeshua’s mother, is the mother of G-d. Protestants often shy away from affirming this and prefer to say that Miryam is “the mother of our Lord”, but on an official and theological level they have to admit it, since they accept the Council of Ephesus, that produced this pagan formula. There is simply no way to escape it, since it is an immediate implication of the Deity doctrine. Apart from the fact that “mother of G-d” is a completely unbiblical category, the idea behind it is to introduce a new level of mediation. If we need a mediator with G-d, and that mediator, being a G-dman, is himself G-d, we cannot really identify with him as our mediator, for in this case the mediator himself, being G-d, is to be mediated to us. Moreover, according to the classical doctrine of the Incarnation Yeshua as a G-dman has no real human personality but only an (abstract) human nature (whatever that means!). The person that unifies the two natures is a divine Person. So we need other mediators to approach that divine Person, and the real mediation is thus relegated to the Virgin mother (and the saints). In this way the declaration of Yeshua’s Deity becomes the cornerstone of a whole new system of worship and devotion, that is seen, in supersessionist theology, as more complete and richer in nature than the worship system of Judaism.

 

Perhaps the most disquieting point: If Yeshua is G-d, then Yeshua is the most important Person of the “Holy Trinity”, in a sense even more important than G-d the Father. By the Deity doctrine G-d the Father is inevitably relegated to a background position, because as G-d Yeshua can do all things by himself! Although it is emphatically stated in theological theory (of course!) that G-d the Father and G-d the Son always operate in perfect harmony, the elevation of Yeshua to a position of ontological and essential equality with the Father — which is in flagrant contradiction with e.g. John 14:28 — is of highly symbolic importance, for it means that the G-d of Israel (the Father) is replaced in a sense by Yeshua as the “G-d of the Church”. And although this will never be admitted officially, Yeshua’s exaltation by the (Catholic) Church to the level of Deity brings him in a rival position with G-d the Father, a position that symbolically mirrors the rival position of the Church with Israel.

 

These points clearly show a systematic connection between the Deity doctrine and theological Supersessionism. For the reasons mentioned one would expect of Jewish Messianic theologians a spirit of reluctance and of investigation, whether this doctrine can really be upheld on a Scriptural basis, not a spirit of thoughtless or even fanatical adherence.

 

_________________

[1] Buzzard, A.F. & Ch. F. Hunting, The Doctrine of the Trinity: Christianity’s Self-Inflicted Wound, International Scholars Publications — Lanham · New York · Oxford 1998. Other important works are: Broughton, J.H. & P.J. Southgate, The Trinity: True or False?, “The Dawn” Book Supply — Nottingham GB 2002 (1995) (This book is available at: http://www.biblelight.org/trin/trinind.htm);  Graeser, M.H. & J.H. Lynn & J.W. Schoenheit, One God & One Lord: Reconsidering the Cornerstone of the Christian Faith, Christian Education Services — Indianapolis (Indiana) 2003. Recommended websites: http://www.biblicalunitarian.com/  ;  http://www.kingdomready.org/topics/god.php ;  http://focusonthekingdom.org/index.html

 

 

Gentiles and the Great Commandment: An Argument for Torah Observance

 

by Geert ter Horst

 

As the story goes, when the Bishop was asked what he thought of sin, he answered with simplicity and conviction that he was against it. With equal conviction and simplicity I can say, when asked what I think of Torah observance, that I’m for it. Nowadays, however, some of the Ministries active in the world of Messianic Judaism seem to have developed the tendency to relegate the non-Jewish believer in Messiah to a Noachide position qua observing the commmandments. This means that according to these Ministries non-Jews are only obligated to fulfil the Seven Commandments of the sons of Noach. If this position is correct, then it inevitably follows that non-Jewish Christians are not bound by what is called the Great Commandment in the Apostolic Scriptures. This commandment — to love G-d above all things and your neighbour as yourself — is found in the Written Torah. Its first part is found in the Shema (Dt. 6:4): “Hear O Yisrael: HaShem our G-d, HaShem is One: and thou shalt love HaShem thy G-d with all thine heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy might”. This is the first part of the Great Commandment, as is confirmed by our Messiah in Mk. 12:29-30. The second part is found in Lv. 19:18: “Thou shalt not avenge, nor bear any grudge against the children of thy people, but thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself: I am HaShem”. This part is confirmed by Messiah in Mk. 12:31.

 

It is clear from the context of the verses in Dt. 6:4 and Lv. 19:18, that both parts of this Great Commandment are only for Yisrael. As to the first part this is immediately evident, because it is directly linked with the Shema Yisrael and the confession of the Shema is specifically directed to Yisrael. Nobody can apply the Shema to him- or herself, by reciting it, if he or she is not included in the community of Yisrael. As to the second part it is equally evident, because the commandment to love the neighbour is part of the stipulations introduced in Lv. 19:2 by the words: “Speak unto all the congregation of the children of Yisrael, …etc”.

 

The two parts of the Great Commandment are not contained in the Noachide Commandments however, as is clear from the Bible (in Gen. 9) as well as from later Rabbinic tradition. Thus we can safely conclude, that if it is true that non-Jewish Christians have the position of Noachides and not of Israelites, then they are free from this Great Commandment, and are neither obligated to love HaShem with their whole hearts and above all things, nor to love their neighbours as themselves.

 

But this conclusion is in clear conflict with the many admonitions found in the Apostolic Scriptures to love G-d and one another, e.g. in 1 Jn. 2:4-5, 10; 3:23-24; 4:7-12, and especially 4:20-21. These verses are not only for Jewish believers, and the love required there is certainly not of a lower nature than that demanded in the Torah, for love here is strongly related to perfection, and is thus of the highest nature, as is equally true of the nature of love in 1 Cor. 13. Therefore it cannot be a tenable theological proposal to relegate the non-Jews to a position of Noachides — in so far as the mitzvoth are in view — which practically means to exclude them from the Covenant Community of Yisrael.

 

If Gentile believers are to express their recognition of eternal salvation — which is by means of G-d’s love made excessively manifest in Messiah Yeshua — by thankfully returning love to G-d and by loving their neighbours according to the demands of the Great Commandment (who would doubt this?), then the other commandments must necessarily follow and apply to them as well. For the other commandments are nothing else but the specifications and determinations of how to express this fundamental commandment of love in a proper and righteous way. It is impossible to fulfil the Great Commandment without the help of the further specifications of the other commandments.

 

Relegating the non-Jewish Christians — especially those who have developed a genuine love for the mitzvoth — to a Noachide position may on the long term be spiritually dangerous, ultimately destructive of their Christian faith, and a seducing influence leading them to accept a secular lifestyle. For the Noachide commandments, viewed in isolation from the remainder of the Torah, are completely insufficient to express the spiritual richness the Gentiles have been made partakers of in Messiah Yeshua our Lord.

Een vraag over de Parsje Misjpatim

 

Iemand vroeg: Wat is de reden dat wij onze ogen niet bedekken bij het zeggen van de Kedoesjat HaSjeem in het Sjemoné Esré, aangezien wij onze ogen wel bedekken bij het zeggen van het Sjema?

 

De Serafim in het hemels heiligdom bedekken hun ogen met twee van hun vleugels bij het uitspreken van het Kadosj HaSjeem (Jes. 6:2-3). Bij het uitspreken van de Kedoesja in de liturgie hier op aarde wordt echter in één opzicht de hemelse liturgie nagevolgd, in een ander opzicht daarentegen niet. De hemelse liturgie wordt nagevolgd voorzover wij ons richten op HaSjeem als op de bron van alle heiligheid. Dit doen wij door ons op te stellen zoals de engelen, met de voeten bijeen, en door ons op onze tenen te verheffen, althans bij de Kedoesja van het Amida. De hemelse liturgie wordt evenwel niet nagevolgd voorzover wij trachten iets van de glorie van HaSjeem naar beneden te trekken, naar de aarde. Dit is namelijk een specifiek menselijke taak, en behoort daarom tot de dienst van Israel, niet tot de dienst der engelen. Wij drukken dit uit door de Kedoesja alleen te zeggen met een minje. (Ganzfried, Kitzur 15:1). Een minje is immers de wettelijke vertegenwoordiging van Israel. Op vergelijkbare wijze als het Misjkan is een minje een ‘omheining’ of ‘installatie’ voor het opvangen van de glorie van HaSjeem. Door middel van deze rituele omheining kan een bepaalde mate van glorie worden opgevangen zonder dat dit vernietigende gevolgen heeft.

 

De glorie van HaSjeem voorzover deze door middel van de dienst van Israel tot onze aardse sfeer kan doordringen wordt daarmee na de verbondssluiting tot een glorie die, hoewel zij is “als een verterend vuur”, niettemin tegelijkertijd “op het opperste van de berg” én “in (of: voor) de ogen van de kinderen Israels” is, zoals de parsje zegt (Ex. 24:17).

 

Blijft de vraag waarom wij onze ogen juist wel bedekken bij het zeggen van het Sjema. Het Sjema zeggen wij zowel met als zonder quorum. Het zeggen van Sjema is dus niet gebonden aan een minje. Merkwaardig genoeg behoort het Sjema dus niet tot de rituele dienst in strikte zin. Het zeggen van Sjema behoort tot de persoonlijke dienst en roeping, tot de dienst van het hart. Let wel, ‘persoonlijk’ wil hier niet zeggen ‘individueel’. Het gaat om een persoonlijke dienst van het hart van én het gehele volk én iedere Israeliet: “Hoor, Israel!…” Deze dienst van het hart wordt beklemtoond in de eerste passage van het Sjema. Omdat deze dienst van het hart geen ritueel beregelde ‘omheining’ heeft, doch zonder maat is, doen wij er verstandig aan onze ogen te bedekken. Wij zouden ons hier immers opeens onbeschermd tegenover de volle glorie kunnen bevinden, zoals Mosje bij het brandende braambos (Ex. 3:6) en Elijahoe op de berg (1 Kon.19:13). In het bedekken van de ogen volgen wij hen na.

 

Bij dit antwoord komt de vervolgvraag op waarom de Serafim eigenlijk hun ogen bedekken bij het uitvoeren van de hemelse liturgie. Zij voeren immers een ritueel geregelde dienst uit, zoals Israel op aarde. Het verschil tussen de Serafim en ons is echter dat de Serafim zich in de directe tegenwoordigheid van G’d bevinden bij de dienst in het hemels heiligdom, terwijl wij op aarde slechts aan die dienst participeren. Daar staat tegenover dat wij ons in de directe tegenwoordigheid G’ds bevinden bij het zeggen van het Sjema Israel.

 

 

Rosj Chodesj Adar I 5763

2 februari 2003

 

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